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PRETENDER and his Son's Invafion.

defcent upon England. They are stopt almost a month by contrary winds, and then attacked by Ruffel with the English and Dutch fleets conjoined (together about double the number of the enemy's fhips) on the 18th of May, 1692. The French have the worst of it; we pursue them for several days, deftroy feven of their fhips in the purfuit, and burn fourteen more in the very bay of La Hogue, May 23. The defign is prevented, and James goes back again for St. Germains.

21. The Pretender fets fail from Dunkirk for Scotland, March 17, 17c8, with a French fleet of 26 fhips (most of them of above 40 guns) and 6000 men, and is purfued by Sir George Byng (who was come over to the Flemish coaft to watch their motions) with a fleet of 40 fhips. They take a wider compass, and Sir George gets to the Frith of Edinburgh before them. The French on approaching the Frith, difcover our fleet there, and keep back; Sir George falls in with fome of them, and takes the Salisbury. The rest of their fleet fteer for Inverness, but are kept from it by contrary winds; they get back to Dunkirk, after fuffering a good deal by the weather, and lofing above 4000 men.

March

ing toward them (under the duke of Cumberland, and general Wade :) They quit Derby the 6th, and retire, or rather are driven back to Scotland. On their return they are joined by feveral more of the Scots, take Sterling, Jan. 8, 1746, befiege the castle there, and get the battle of Falkirk the 17th. The duke of CumA berland fets out from London, Jan. 25, comes to our army in Scotland the geth, advances toward the enemy the next day; they fly before him, and he enters Sterling. Feb. 2. The Scots make for their Highlands, befiege Fort William in vain, and are totally defeated by the duke at Culloden, April 16.

B

It appears from this lift, that in these twenty-three invasions, or attempts to invade us*, eight of the invaders have landed with an army, without oppofition, two have been driven off by our fleets, and one defeated on their own coafts by the fame: One has been disappointed by a form, and the other eleven have Cftolen in with a fingle fhip or two, and few men.

22. The earl of Mar goes to Scotland to excite a rebellion in the autumn of 1715; they rife, and proclaim the Pretender in feveral parts there, as do others in the North of England. The Scotch, under the earl of Mar, are worsted by the duke of Argyle, at Dumblain, Nov. 13, and our northen rebels furrender to general Carpenter at Prefton, on the 14th. The Pretender steals to Scotland in a small fhip, and with only fix gentlemen to attend him, lands at Peterhead, Dec. 22, and E enters Perth, Jan. 9, 1716. On the approach of our army, under the duke of Argyle, he quits Perth, is pursued, and gets off in a French fhip, in the beginning of February, to France.

23. The Pretender's eldeft fon fets fail from Britany, in a frigate only of 18 guns, July 14, 1745, and is joined afterwards

It appears from the fame, that in the whole feven have fucceeded, and fixteen have been unfuccessful.

It may perhaps appear from the fame, to all who thoroughly confider it, that as our situation neceffarily obliges us never to be without a ficet to defend our coafts; fo the various accidents, which often ren der that caution ufelefs or precarious, oblige us never to be without a regular and exercised militia, to oppofe the enemy, in cafe of their evading, or (if it was poffible) getting the better of our fleets.

Anfwer to REBUS in February (p. 88.) by the Howe Comb Shop, Nottingham, March 23.

TAK

AKE the name of the town where
a conteft has been, Sir,
Betwixt Jarrit Smith, and his honour
Jack Spencer.

Infirmary** add, and the rebus you'll

And,

7

[your mind.

by a man of war of 66: Brett meets and F Mr. Punfter, is folv'd, and we hope to

engages the latter, and the adventurer gets on in the frigate to Scotland. He is joined, by degrees, by feveral, enters Perth, Sept. 4, and the city of Edinburgh on the 17th. Beats Sir John Cope at PrestonPans the 21ft; befieges Edinburgh castle, Oct. 1, and raifes the fiege the 5th; lofes all the rest of that month. They move for G England, pafs the Tweed, Nov. 6, take Carlifle, and penetrate as far as Derby, As they had been joined but by few in their march, and had much more

Dec. 4.

TA

REBU S.

AKE a word, which by many is oftentimes us'd,

When people defcribe a great place; Methinks, you'll find out, when once you have mus'd,

A Mifs who's endow'd with much grace.
Heartfree, Camb.

confiderable forces than their own draw R

On RELIGION. ELIGION, you fay, my attention

divides;

[fides?

Pray tell me what is there deferves it be

See No 1, 4, 7, 8, 9, 12, 18, and 19.
N° 1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, and 18.

§ N° 10.

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The LONDON MAGAZINE:

Or, GENTLEMAN's Monthly Intelligencer. For APRIL, 1756.

To be Continued. (Price Six Pence each Month.)

Containing, (Greater Variety, and more in Quantity, than any Monthly Book of the fame Price.)

I. Remarks on D'Avaux.

II. Utility of Broad Wheels.

III. Defence of Ellis.

IV. Recruiting A&t.

V. Plate A&.

VI. Victuallers A&t.

VII, Pofthumous Juftice to Authors.
VIII. Intended Bridge defcribed.

IX. The JOURNAL of a Learned and Political CLUB, &c. continued: Containing the SPEECH of A. Nonius, against the Briftol Watch Bill.

X. Vifit to the Hofpitals,

XI. Oftentatious and unjuft Charities.
XII. Remarks on Warburton.

XIII. Speculations on Authors.

XIV. Grotta de Cani defcribed.
XV. Statical Experiments.
XVI. Letter to a Son.

XVII. Excellent Letters of Teffin.
XVIII. Scheme for a general Tax.
XIX. Complaint of a Phyfician.
XX. Dropfy of the Pleura.
XXI. Pleurify in the Lungs.

XXII. Experiments with Opium.

XXIII. Account of the Plantations. XXIV. City Addrefs and Answer. XXV. Merchants Addrefs and Answer. XXVI. POETRY. To Ariftotle on new gilding his Buft; on the prefent State of America, &c. Elegy in an empty Affembly-Room; to Mifs Moore; on Mifs Peggy B-ty; on Sylvia's Birth-Day; on the Death of Mr. John Ackers; Hymn to Benevolence, and Ode in Sickness, by Mr. Blacklock; on a Lady praying Mil. ton; Epitaph, Epigrams, a new Song fet to Mufick, and a Country Dance. XXVII. The MONTHLY CHRONOLOGER : Addreffes and Anfwers; Fleets fail; A&s paffed; Prize Subjects Advices from Hawke and from America; Bounties, Benefactions, Affizes, Fires, Storms, Floods, &c. &c. &c. &c.

XXVIII. Marriages and Births, Deaths, Promotions, Bankrupts.

XXIX. FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

XXX. A Catalogue of Books.

XXXI. Prices of Stocks.

XXXII. Monthly Bill of Mortality.

With the PLAN and ELEVATION of the NEW BRIDGE, to be built at Black-Friars, from the Delineation of the Inventors Mess. Dowbiggin; beautifully engraved on a large Copper-Plate.

MULTUM IN PARVO.

LONDON: Printed for R. BALDWIN, at the Rofe in Pater-Noller-Row; Of whom may be had, compleat Sets from the Year 1733 to this Time, neatly Bound, or Stitch'd, or any fingle Month to compleat Sets.

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We bare received few poetical pieces that do not merit publication: This we fay in general,
that our correfpondents may expect to see them inferted in ther turns. Some, even promijed laff.
month, we were obliged to omit till next. The poetical meditation will be inferted. Several pro-
faical pieces are likewife deferred for want of room.

M. C's caution came too late.

THE

LONDON MAGAZINE.
For APRIL, 1756.

To the AUTHOR of the LONDON MAGAZINE.

Further REMARKS upon the Negotiations of Count d'Avaux.

SIR,

B

N your Magazine (Vol. A xxiv. p. 259.) I find One of your correfpondents has very justly expofed the felnith and hypocritical views of those Dutchmen, who, after the year 1672, called themselves republicans, and, under the fpecious pretence of defending the liberties of their country, fet themfelves up in op. pofition to the prince of Orange, their ftadtholder. The count d'Avaux, the French ambaffador at the Hague, has, indeed, without any fuch design, convinced every man of the justice of this charge against thofe he calls his friends; and as feveral controverted facts, with tegard to our own history, may be cleared up and determined from the negotiations of the fame minifter, a'low me to take notice of fome of them. The facts, 1 mean, relate to the views of the prince of Orange, afterwards king William 11. with regard to England, from the year 1678, when the treaty of Nimeguen was concluded, and the views of our feverai D parties and minilers, during the latter end of the reign of king Chales II. and the short reign of his brother and fucceffor James II.

For this purpose we must confider the circumstances of the royal family, and the nation in general at this period. As to the former, king Charles was without any legitimate children, and without hope of having any, as his queen would, in all probability, out-live him; and his bother, the then duke of York, had been five years married to his fecond wife without an appearance of his ever having April, 1756.

"

E

any children by her, confequently the princefs Mary, his eldest daughter, who had been very unwifely married to the prince of Orange, was prefumptive heir to the crown; and as the was not only an obedient, but a moft fubmiffive wife, he had by her means a probability of fucceeding to be chief governor of the British dominions, as well as he already was of the United Provinces.

Then as to the nation in general, it was divided into two great parties, one of which was called Tories, and the other Whigs; but both thefe parties were again divided into feveral others: Of the Tories all thofe that were papifts were for rendering the king quite abfolute, because, as the duke of York was a bigotted papist, and the king had always feemed to be of that fect of religion, which most suited his immediate intereft, they might thereby. have a chance to get their religion re-eftablished in these kingdoms; and fuch of the Tories as were of high-church principles were willing enough to co-operate with the papifts, at leaft in augmenting the power of the crown, because they could not otherwife entirely crush the diffenters; whereas the rest of the Tories were for preferving the conflitution as it was then established, and both thefe joined together against the court when any thing was done that feemed to favour popery, under pretence of giving eafe to

the diffenters.

Of the Whigs again, fome were deter mined republicans, who thought that the nation could never be happy unless our conftitution were quite altered, and fome: fort of republican form of government, established; whilft others thought, that' the happiness of the nation might be fecured by only curtailing the power of. the crown; and almost every man of these two parties had fome vifionary scheme of his own. Befides thefe, there was a third party of Whigs that were well enough" pleated with our conftitutional form of U 2 govern

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156.
government, provided the perfon of the
king, or at leaft of the next fucceffor to
the throne, were changed; and of one or
other of these three parties of Whigs were
all the diffenters in the kingdom; but
about the year 1678, the laft of the three
became much the most numerous, as the
open and profeffed bigotry of the duke of A
York obliged all the moderate Tories in
the kingdom to lift under that banner, and
the two first parties of Whigs did not
then think proper openly to extend their
views any further, as they thought that
even a change of the fucceffor only would
be a step towards their favourite scheme.

REMARKS on D'Avaux's Negotiations. April

D

Thus the people of this nation were divided into fix feveral parties, to wit, B the Papifts, the High church Tories, and the moderate Tories; the Republicans, the High-flying Whigs, and the moderate Whigs; and as to our grandees they feverally embraced that party which at the time feemed best calculated for promoting their views of ambition or avarice; but all of them, and even most of C thofe, who were from time to time our minifters of state, made their court to the prince of Orange, as being, in right of his wife, the prefumptive heir to the fupreme rule over there nations; and this, added to the bigotry of the duke of York, gave him hopes of arriving at this high office before it came to his turn, which was perhaps what chiefly encouraged the country party to propofe the exclufion bill in parliament; but this defign he always took care to conceal from king Charles, difguifing it under the cloak of advising him to make up matters with his parliament; for he rightly judged, that it would be impoffible for his majefty to do so, without E, agreeing to the exclufion of the duke of York, at leaft from the administration of government, in which cafe the princess his fpoufe would have a right to be declared regent; and this the king would probably have agreed to, as appears from what he hinted in his fpeech to the Oxford parliament; but this the Republicans and high-flying Whigs refolved to pre. F vent, because they could not expect to get a republick established, or the power of the crown curtailed, under the adminiftration of the prince of Orange; and the earl of Shaftsbury had now probably formed a scheme for getting the duke of Monmouth declared fucceffor to the throne, for the fame reafon that Cromwell got Fairfax declared general of the parliament's forces in 1645.

This may explain to us a piece of hiftory taken notice of by d'Avaux, which cannot otherwife be accounted for. In

1679, the prince of Orange had projected
a new alliance between the states-general
and the crown of England, which he
at first thought to have got the states to
propofe, but being oppofed, as he was in
every thing for the good of his country,
by the republicans in Holland, he found
he could not fucceed, and therefore he
applied himself towards getting the pro-
pofal made by the king of England, as a
leading ftep towards his making up mat-
ters with his parliament, and as a measure
neceffary for giving a check to the ambi-
tion of Lewis XIV. who had al: eady be-
gun to trefpafs upon the treaty of Nime-
guen. For this purpose he applied him-
felf both to the court and to the principal
Whig members of the parliament of Eng-
land, and what Mr. d'Avaux fays upon
this fubject is fo particular, and fo fur-
prifing, that I fhall give it in that mini-
fter's own words, as follows.

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The prince of Orange did not content himself with working upon the Dutch only; he was likewife carrying on his fchemes in England, with the king and fome of the principal members of parliament; and as he had formerly fome particular connections with the latter, by means of one Frymans, who raised fuch cabals in the houfe of commons in 1674, that they obliged the king to make peace with the ftates general; he fent the fame perfon a fecond time, to inform them of his defign, not doubting to find them ready to embrace an alliance, which, by dif engaging the king of England from the intereft of his chriftian majefty, would throw him into an abfolute dependence on his parliament. He took care to have reprefented to them all the advantages they could reap from fuch an alliance and that it should be put to them, whether they could not affure the king of England, they would furnish him with fufficient fupplies, in cafe the king of France fhould declare war : But as I received intelligence of his most secret intrigues, I was informed of these practices with the English members. I spoke of it to one of the most confiderable republicans in Holland: This man had an intimate correfpondence with the leading men in the English parliament; and by his means, I fignified to col. Sidney, a famous republican, who was afterwards beheaded, that as long as the prince of Orange remained fo powerful in the flatesG general, nothing could be more prejudicial to the parliament of England, and the republick of Holland, than to allow the king of Great-Britain, to make an alliance with the prince of Orange, for it was certainly intended to hurt the com

• D'Avaux's Negotiations, Vol. I. p. 8.

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