the wound of the king was represented to be more than it really was. The college of the Jesuits was forthwith occupied by soldiers, and their persons and papers secured. Two days after this attempt of Chatel, the expulsion of the Jesuits from the city and kingdom was declared by parliament. The teachers and scholars of the College of Clermont were commanded within three days to remove from Paris and other towns in which they had schools, and within fifteen days to leave the kingdom. The Sorbonne could scarcely rejoice at the fall of their enemies, for six hundred students who were on their way to the university turned back again on this intelligence. About the same number went away. On Sunday, the 8th of January, 1595, the Jesuits were led by officers of justice out of the city. There were thirty-seven of them. Their guilt, as a society, in the attempt made by Chatel to murder the king, is very much to be questioned. The terrors of a frantic, we might say, satanic remorse incited him to the purpose. His past life had been one of flagrant transgressions, and he thought to expiate his sins by causing the death of one so high in rank and power who was under the ban of the pope. No confession could be drawn from him to the prejudice of the Jesuits, although one of the police-agents, disguised as a priest, and a master of his art, examined him amid the solemnities of the holy communion. The expulsion of the Jesuits had not the desired effects. The jurisdiction of the Parisian parliament embraced but one half of the kingdom, particularly the north-eastern part and the country on the Loire. The parliament of Languedoc, which held its sessions in Toulouse and was constantly implacable towards the reformed churches, favored the Jesuits and declared that they were included in the general amnesty given at the close of the civil war. The parliament of Bordeaux did the same. Such a condition of things. could not long continue. These half measures against the Jesuits only stimulated their activity, and in spite of the decree of parliament to the contrary, many children were sent from Paris to be educated by them in the provinces. In the meantime, the Jesuits had friends in Paris, who were intimate with the king. These employed every opportunity, and especially the occasion of his marriage with Mary de Medici, to induce him to give the Jesuits liberty to return. In answer to the reproach that the Jesuits were devoted to the interests of Spain, they replied, that this only showed their gratitude, it depended upon the king of France alone, whether he should be an object of their gratitude or of their hostility. The king still hesitated, though desirous of a reconciliation. He feared that the Protestants would regard it as an act of hostility to them. Accordingly 1848.] Their Restoration by Henry IV. 585 he wrote to Beaumont, his ambassador in England (August 15th, 1603), to instruct him in what manner he wished his decision to be represented to the monarch of that country. He did not conceal his fear of the dagger, he said that the existing regulations were powerless, and that he could control the Jesuits better as friends than as enemies. In September he gave permission to the Jesuits to establish schools within the districts of Dijon, Toulouse and Bordeaux, also at Lyons and la Fleche. No new settlement could be made without express permission of the government, and an ambassador of the Jesuits, as if of another sovereignty, was to reside at the French court, through whom communications were to be made between the government and the society. Parliament remonstrated against these proceedings of the king, but perhaps nothing more clearly shows the want of power in the French parliament at this time to withstand the royal will than the result of this remonstrance. The king gave notice that he would not receive their counter-representations, and that their deputies might perhaps be ignominiously refused admittance to his presence. Parliament declared that they would not give their assent without some conditions. These were, that the Jesuits should give up their vow of special allegiance to the pope-that only native Frenchman should be received into the society (which would have made it entirely Gallican), that they should be subject to the jurisdiction of the bishops, and that their schools should be under the control of the university. But the king, by new messages, announcing to parliament that they were his subjects and their first duty was obedience, and by threats of his personal displeasure in case of disobedience, commanded the registry of the act, to which parliament was obliged immediately to proceed. The Jesuits became the friends of Henry and the sure supporters of absolutism in France. Within six years after this time the number of their colleges in the kingdom was thirty-five. Thus we see that even before the time of Louis XIV. the French parliament had lost its ancient venerable importance, and was presenting a striking contrast to the progress of the English parliament. The Parisian parliament was closely united with the Gallican church, but this church had lost its Christian faith. The more religious elements sought to form a quieter and more retired circle of action. They became embodied in the institution at Port Royal. The doctrine of predestination was common to the reformed church and to the Jansenists, the Puritans of France, but to the former it was a sword, to the latter a shield, to the former it gave courage to conquer, to the latter patience under persecution and endurance even in oppression, ARTICLE XII. REMARKS ON INSCRIPTIONS. New Haven, June 20, 1848. PROF. EDWARDS, DEAR SIR,-My attention was turned yesterday to the inscriptions copied by Mr. Thomson at Ruad. [See Bib. Sac. p. 252, May 1848.] I send you two or three remarks upon them which may not be entirely without interest. Inscription on the first column. In line first supply another A after the eighth letter. In line 3 read π for 2 the first letter. This line may be read thus: πρόβουλον τῶν ναυπ... η. ναυπηγησάντων suggests itself but is not satisfactory. I can do nothing with the next line. Inscription on the second column. In line 3 read for 4, the first letter. The fourth line is ἔπαρχον στόλου. The fifth is εὐνοίας ἕνεκεν. This inscription commemorates the services of Decimus Laelius, praefect of the fleet in Pompey's service. He was the son of another Decimus Laelius, and probably of that one who is spoken of by Cicero, de Or. 2. 6. 25. For our Laelius consult Orelli's Onomasticon Tullianum, and the Dict. of Mythol. and Biog. s. v. It would be idle to spend time upon the third inscription. That on the fourth column is free from material errors in copying. Probably tuns in line 5 should be written runs after the usual practice on the later monuments. See Sophocles' Hist. of the Greek Alphabet, § 29. Damis and Mnaseas are both not uncommon Greek names. Damis performed his duty, as clerk of the market or aedile, in the year 377, which, if the era is that of the Seleucidae, answers to A... 65. The inscription on the fifth column may be easily restored thus: 'H βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος Αντίοχον Δημοκρίτου τοῦ καὶ Μαρίωνος, καλῶς γραμματεύσαντα ἐν τῷ ΣΟ ἔτει, τειμῆς χάριν. Democritus was also called Marion. This rare name belonged also to a victor at the Olympic games who lived after Olymp. 178. (Pausan. 5. 21. 5.). The inscription on the first square block is so imperfect that I will not venture to restore it. The last inscription may be read thus: Ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ̓Αραδίων Μάρκον Σεπτίμιον, Μάρκου υἱὸν, Φαβιανὸν Μάγνον, ἑκατοντάρχην λεγεῶ νος Σεκούνδης (?) τὸν ἑαυτῶν πολίτην, εὐνοίας καὶ τειμῆς ἕνεκεν. The name of the legion is wholly uncertain to me. Aɛxtavijs, named after the em 1848.] Inscriptions at Beirût. 587 peror Decius, suggests itself, but no legion bears that name on catalogues to which I have access. Aɛx. Tɛuivns, i. e. Decimae Geminae, departs further from the present letters. The Latin names of the legions are sometimes preserved on Greek inscriptions. Thus, Γεμίνη instead of Διδύμη. The inscription published in your February number, page 3, appears in Boeckh's Corpus, No. 4525. That on page 6, is interesting, and can be easily restored, except in the fourth line from the bottom. Avórios (exempli gratia) | άvðún. (i. e. ἀνθύπατος, proconsul) Οδαινάθῳ | ἀνεινήτῳ (like τειμῆς above) σεβασ τῷ | καὶ Σεπτιμία Ζηνοβία | σεβαστῇ,.?. ? ? . | τοῦ ἀηττήτου τοῦ ? αὐτο | κράτορος Οὐαβαλλάθου | 'Αθηνοδώρου. The name of Odaenathus the husband of Zenobia is uncertain. Krafft's copy of this inscription, which Dr. Robinson has been so kind as to send me, has Al\ instead of CAI. Both copies misrepresent the name Septimia, which we know to belong to Zenobia from coins. In the fourth line from the bottom, Krafft gives OHTPITOT which suggests untoì Tou. But the Tov of the next line opposes this reading. Both copies also have H at the end of the next line. For Vabalathus Athenodorus, the son (probably) of Zenobia, in whose name she ruled, see Eckhel doctr. num. Vol. 7. p. 488 seq. and Mionnet de la rareté des medailles Rom. 2. 109. The inscription on p. 13 is so badly copied that I can make nothing of it. Yours sincerely, T. D. WOOLSEY. The following inscriptions have been recently transmitted to us by Mr. Thomson. "The first was copied from a large stone which appears to have formed part of a pedestal of a statue-found in one of the gardens of Beirût." PRAETORIO2DQVEG..VVARIOCONSVLI SING VLOSHONORVMGRADOS 2DHOS EVMDIGNITAT VMAPICESPROVEXERVNT DECRETISPROVINCIAEPHOENIESSENTEN CONSTATISAETERNORVMPRINCI SVMPTIBVSS VISEX2ERELOCATAM "The following is copied from the side of a sarcophagus recently dug up in the gardens of Beirût. The sarcophagus is splendidly ornamented with wreaths, human figures and flying genii." OAPCEJTONH К(ТАРА ПЕКОН ΤΟΙΣ ΕΠΙΤ Ε Κ Ν Ο Ι Σ ΠωΝΗΝ ΕΠΟΘΕΙΣ ΑΛΟΧΟΝ "The following was copied from a similar sarcophagus at Jebail. It was recently dug out and had never been opened. The bones of its original occupant were undisturbed and I have myself examined the gold bracelets and jewelry of the body, found among the bones. The face had been covered with a thick gold leaf, which still preserves the shape of the entire face-a curiosity in its way which I have no where else seen." "The following is the inscription over the Bab et-Dirkeh of Beirût.” IHC TOYI POCIONYOCZNA POЄ CN-N01202 ΙΜΙΔΟΥ Η ΡΟΘΥΜΟΙΟΝ . ΡΕΧΕΙΣΗΜΗ ΔΙΒΟΥ The following remarks on the above inscriptions have been kindly forwarded to us by Pres. Woolsey. "In the first line of the first inscription it is easy to conjecture that the name of the individual began with an L, the horizontal part of which is obliterated by time. This being assumed, we hit at once upon Leontio for the entire name; and this emendation derives so much support from other considerations that we may regard it as nearly certain. At the end of the first line stood of necessity praefecto. Atque is written adque, as here, in Mss. and on monuments. See Conrad Schneider's Gram. I. 254. The next word was ordinario. Comp. Vopiscus in vit. Aurelian. (§ 13, Hist. Aug. Script., ed. Schrevel.): "quum consedisset Valerianus Augustus in Thermis apud Byzantium, praesente exercitu, praesente etiam officio palatino, assidentibus Memmio Fusco consule ordinario, Bebio Macro praefecto praetorii, Quinto Ancario praeside orientis," etc. The consul ordinarius seems to have been so termed by way of distinction from a consul suffectus, as one who began his office on the kalends of January and whose name was inscribed on the fasti of the year. Suetonius, in his life of the emperor Galba (§ 6), says "mox consulatum per sex men |