generation-let us suppose that he had then been made immortal here below in the full possession of all his powers, and had been carried forward from one generation to another, down to the present, and had gathered from each all that man could gather, respecting the works and the ways of the Most High, and were now in possession of the whole, with what admiration should we behold him-and how like an angel's flight, would seem to us his future course, amid scenes continually multiplying and brightening into the glories of the millennium, and onward to the consummation of all sublunary things. But how soon do we lose sight of this man's exaltation, when we look at that of the man who has lived as long, or a thousand times as long, in that world which is in the highest sense full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea,-and where that knowledge is increased continually by the many bright and burning spirits, that fly to and fro through the universe,—and where Divine Wisdom lifteth up her voice in the streets of gold, and crieth at the openings of the pearly gates, and in the chief place of concourse for saints and angels before the throne of heaven,-and where there is no need of the sun or the moon, for the Lord God and the Lamb are the light and the glory forever. When we look at a mountain, whose summit is among the clouds, we feel within us an expanding and elevating emotion; but how would this feeling be strengthed. were we to behold it continually growing wider and rising higher. And it is a glorious sight to behold an intelligent being rescued from the dominion and the condemnation of sin, and from the ruins of a burning world, and set down on the shores of immortality; but how is glory increased, when we behold him moving forward in an endless course of improvement-growing wiser and holier and happier-his crown ever brightening, and his voice and his harp sounding sweeter and louder in the high praises of eternity. pp. 429, 430.

The doctrinal views of Mr. Wilcox were decidedly evangelical; or rather we would call them biblical. He evidently had formed his creed, and laid the foundation for all his preaching, in the patient, serious, and prayerful study of "the Book of God," the only way in which divine truth can be ascertained, and a system of Christian faith formed.

ness.

The style of our author, with few exceptions, is a very good one for the pulpit. He studied style more than many ministers: not however for any other purpose than that of presenting divine truth to the mind with clearness and impressiveWe discover no effort to be elegant, or great, or sentimental, or striking. His paragraphs and pages present the simple and elevated thoughts and feelings of his own breast, as influenced by "high truth." He expresses one powerful and beautiful conception after another, in a manner indicating a mind and heart full of his subject, and occupied with something more important than consulting how he shall ring them out well, in sounding sentences. His poetical studies had a good influence on his manner of thinking and writing. And to say in one sentence what we think of him, as a writer and preacher, we believe that we do not go beyond truth and the opinion of good judges of preaching, when we place him

among the first class in our country, of the present generation.

The editor expresses an apprehension, "that there will be some disappointment among those who shall peruse this volume, after having heard some of the sermons, from the lips of the writer." The apprehension is natural; but there is much less reason for it in the present case, than in many others. Mr. Wilcox had sterling excellencies in the matter, as well as manner of his preaching. We heard him deliver some of the discourses in this volume, and though, in reading them, we have missed "the sweet voice, the emphatic pronunciation, the eloquence of look and gesture," we still find on the pages, the solid matter, the powerful conceptions, the thorough reasoning, the graphic delineation, which, after all, had most to do with the production of impression, in their public delivery.

We speak of the editor. We conclude, of course, that the book had one. His modesty, however, has kept out of sight his name, and all allusion to circumstances which could have pointed the reader to him. We like this. A hidden biographer shows good sense; and manifests a wish to have the reader acquainted with the subject, rather than with himself. We proffer him our thanks, and presume that in this we speak the feelings of many,-for his labors in preparing for the public eye so valuable a volume as the Remains of Mr. Wilcox.

ART. IV.-REVIEW OF PITKIN'S POLITICAL AND CIVIL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.

A Political and Civil History of the United States of America, from the the Year 1763, to the Close of the Administration of President Washington, in March, 1797: including a summary view of the Political and Civil State of the North American Colonics prior to that period. By TIMOTHY PITKIN. In two volumes. New-Haven; Hezekiah Howe and Durrie & Peck. 1828. 8vo. pp. 528 and 539. $5 in boards.

THIS book is what the title imports," a political and civil history," with no more of bloody battles and military movements than is just requisite to a connected chain of events and a proper exhibition of the causes by which they were produced. For this reason, among others which we may subsequently specify, we profess ourselves highly gratified with the work.

In the days of our youth-that period when the senses and the imagination clamour for indulgence, and a chivalrous spirit

bears sway-we delighted supremely in the animated sketches of daring adventure and deadly contest. The wars which grew out of the French revolution were then raging; and the weekly paper which came reeking with its crimson details, was eagerly seized and voraciously devoured. Its most sanguine scenes were thrice scanned over before we could sleep, and thrice dreamt over before we awoke. Those marches too, and battles and conquests of "Alexander the Great!" how they riveted the attention and engrossed the soul. But those days are now with the years beyond the flood; and glud are we to see them no more, so far as this predilection is concerned. What did we then know, or care to know, of the causes and mighty consequences of these dread encounters? Just nothing at all. It was excitement which we sought;excitement, alas! bearing but too sad a resemblance to that for which the Romans crowded around the arena of their gladiators, for which the Spaniards now throng their bull fights; the English their boxing matches; and the whole civilized world, their tragic theatres.

How far the history of our own experience in this matter may be a true index to that of other minds, is rather for our readers than for us to decide. But it certainly affords us no little satisfaction to be conscious of the transformation, and now to experience a delight in tracing the causes and the consequences of great and violent changes of power, which if not quite so exhilarating, is far more rational, humane, permanent, and productive of practical benefit. For, sure we are, that a philosophic acquaintance with such causes and consequences, is immeasurably more important to man in every condition except that of the soldier, than a mere knowledge of what transpires on the field of blood.

Conquests are worthless if the arts of peace are unknown. We need to know, not only "how fields are won," but what led to the necessity of winning them, and how the acquisition is to be rendered permanent and useful. This is to be taught only by political and civil (including moral) history. This branch of the science of man teaches us the conduct of statesmen and other personages of influence who mould the character and sway the destinies of nations. Here we see the causes which render a people wise, virtuous, brave, patriotic, and happy. And here we trace from their embryo those plants of moral poison that fill a nation's atmosphere with pestilence, and fit them for that ruin which military history may attribute to nothing but the sword. We see the arts of ambitious, wicked, and selfish men; and learn how to guard against them. We see also the wisdom of virtuous

sages, and learn how to profit by their counsels, if not to fill their places in the hour of need. We learn also more correctly to appreciate the relative merits of men in different departments of public service. Military history teaches us to despise the coward or the imbecile commander, and to execrate the traitor. But political history not unfrequently leads us more deeply to despise or execrate the men who appoint such commanders, or who bind them by absurd instructions, or who fail to supply them with the requisite means.

It is this kind of history, too, which teaches how wise institutions are formed and fostered,-how colonies may be planted aright and cherished aright, till they grow up into a mighty and happy nation,-and how liberty may be achieved, preserved, and improved. It shows us how intimately connected are the various institutions of a State as regards their polity. Monarchy in the State produces monarchy in the Church; and so monarchy in the Church is conducive to the same in the State, and quite as perilous to political freedom. On the other hand; let enlightened republicanism prevail in the Church, as was the fact with our puritan ancestors, and it will gradually pervade all the minor institutions, and thoroughly imbue the spirit, of a whole people; and remaining unchecked, will finally shape the civil government itself, after having first prepared the way, in the best possible manner, for the temperate and permanent enjoyment of so rich a blessing.

It is sufficiently manifest throughout our colonial annals, not merely that we should be a free people, but that we should one day attain our independence. This the court of England saw at an early period; and thenceforward, never ceased to chide our aspirings to that result-aspirings, indeed, of which our ancestors were not themselves distinctly conscious, and which they honestly disavowed. The plant, whose early germination was so noxious to the jealous eye of oppression, but whose leaves under God are for the healing of the nations, was sown in the hearts and nurtured by the institutions of the Pilgrims.

It was the spirit and tendency of such a community which monarchy dreaded, and not any specific act or definite purpose of revolt. But though it was early seen where to these things would grow, it was seen just one day to late. England had driven away her puritans, and suffered them to take refuge on our shores. They survived the treachery of the pilot and the severities of cold and famine. The savages did not kill them. Happily for us and the world, the step was irretrievable. Had Britain designed us for permanent and servile colonies, she should never have suffered a puritan to set foot on our soil, nor

any thing but prelacy to rear an altar on our shores. The sagacious and imperious Elizabeth attended to this matter as regarded her own Virginia. And after her the despotic Charles II. declared, that he considered episcopacy a greater support to his throne than even a standing army.

In this connection, we feel compelled in duty to add, what the light of reason and history admonishes us to believe, that should our republican church polity be supplanted, this event will be at once the dark presage and the cause of a like disaster to the State.

But to return: In this kind of history we are likewise more thoroughly instructed in the deep and dark mysteries of human nature. To learn human nature is by common consent one chief object for which we study history at all. In this respect, there is scarcely any comparison between the facilities afforded by this species and that which treats mainly of wars and fightings. Here we occasionally see the chicanery, the falsehood, the faithlessness, of men high in office and sacred in function, in a manner and to an extent almost incredible. A passage which we may give in our extracts for another purpose, will serve for an illustration of this remark. The principles which appear often to guide diplomatists, are such as would stamp with indelible infamy the man who should apply them in the transactions of private life. True, it is no very pleasant task to learn the dark paths of our frail nature; but still it is but too needful to a right view and a safe improvement. We should also add, that such is not the character of all public men nor such the rules of all diplomatists. Very honorable and pleasing examples are found of the "faithful among the faithless."

Here, too, we may mark the providence of God in a manner as instructive and grateful to the devout mind, if not so surprising, as in the more violent concussions of hostile powers. This is especially true with regard to long portions of history viewed in their whole connection and relative dependance. We know of nothing in the compass of profane history so well fitted to call forth the admiring gratitude of the Christian and the philanthropist as the long train of causes from the persecution of our pilgrim fathers down to the grand result, the complete achievment of American liberty, with all its brilliant prospects of good to us and the whole family of man.

If such then are the advantages and pleasures of this species of history, we may pause for a moment to inquire the causes of its not having been more extensively cultivated. Why has there not been a larger part in our common histories, devoted to the civil, political, and moral departments? And