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taining further concessions of religious freedom, or at least remove the hope of completely destroying intolerance to an unmeasurable distance?

Considering therefore the cause of religious liberty to have been much advanced by the late debates, but seeing reason to fear final disappointment from the event of a peace, and from other contingencies which may be foreseen and are not even improbable, ought not the friends of religious liberty to seize the favourable opportunity now offered by the circumstances of the country to extend the field of discussion, and to reinforce the arguments which seem calculated only to obtain from the prudence or the humane feelings of the legislature some small and partial boon, by representing the grand considerations of religious duty; by which, when

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clearly stated, every attempt to bias men in the choice of their religion, whether by terror, or by sordid motives of emolument, must be condemned? And as it is the acknowledged duty of all men diligently to examine the doctrines of religion, and openly to profess what may appear to them to be the truth, it surely ought not to be considered a hopeless and impracticable enterprize to which they are invited; neither could their conduct be justly construed as engaging in a mode of argument disrespectful to our Parliament, should they proceed still further to state with all becoming deference that from such premises the just consequence is, that it is the duty of the legislature to repeal every law by which the misguided zeal of former ages has infringed that most sacred right to the free choice and free profession of religion; this is the ground on which, sooner or later, Chris

tian liberty will be restored; and on any narrower principles it were unreasonable to expect it. And never may the advocates of this inestimable right, in this country, hope to find a fitter occasion than the present, for entering into this most arduous, but necessary, contro

versy.

Already a small but truly respectable band of persons have declared their approbation of the proposed attempt, and testified their adherence to the principles on which it will be conducted*. To more, the plan has been communicated; and by them it has been very generally approved, though they have not yet borne that testimony in its favour which has been given by others. They who have at this early period

By signing a Petition to parliament for the repeal of every law against the liberty of conscience.

thus generously stood forward with the proposer of this attempt, are members of our established church; and such is he also himself. Among them one exception alone is known ; one Dissenter only from the church has signed the paper alluded to, whom, for his own great character, and that of his venerable father-in-law†, it was their honour to admit among them. And he who now stands before the nation, to invite the truly liberal Christians of every sect and denomination to contribute their assistance, does it, he trusts, with all due deference and respect for the opinion of the public but he does it fearlessly, and with perfect satisfaction of mind, because he is conscious he is acting on the best principles of our holy religion. They

The Rev. Dr. Disney.

+ The Rev. archdeacon Blackburne.

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are the principles so nobly maintained by Hoadly, Clarke, and Locke; they are the principles on which alone Protestants can justify their separation from the church of Rome; on which alone Christianity can accomplish the gracious purpose of its Divine Author, can become the

religion of the world, and the source of continual improvement in virtue and happiness to all mankind.

To the liberal, among their brethren of the established church, he and his friends look with confidence for their concurrence; and in whatever proportion they may be found to give it, their assistance will be highly valued ; their conduct will be marked by the generosity which prompts them to extend that redress to others, which they want not for themselves; and it will at least be creditable to the church, whose mem

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