alluding, as the Abate has made him, to the force of the blow, or the firmness with which u had been fixed. The whole strength, therefore, of the Abate's argument hangs upon the par tense; which, however, may be somewhat mi nished by remarking that the phrase only son that the statue was not then standing in a former position. Winkelmann has observed, an the present twins are modern; and it is eșug clear that there are marks of gilding war part of the ancient group. It is known th sacred images of the Capitol were not des” u when injured by time or accident, but we a into certain underground depositaries to favissa. It may be thought possible the wolf had been so deposited, and had ben placed in some conspicuous situation where Capitol was rebuilt by Vespasian. Hyo without mentioning his authority, tells that was transferred from the Comition to the la teran, and thence brought to the Capitel was found near the arch of Severns, it may been one of the images which Orosius says omt thrown down in the Forum by lightning Alaric took the city. That it is of very id antiquity the workmanship is a decisive præ and that circumstance induced Winkelmana n believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The Cap wolf, however, may have been of the same sy date as that at the temple of Romulus. Læcu tius *) asserts that in his time the Romans shipped a wolf; and it is known that the Lase calia held out to a very late period **) ar every other observance of the ancient expens tion had totally expired. This may account the preservation of the ancient image li than the other early symbols of Paganism.

has celebrated both in prose and verse, and which the historian Dion also records as having suffered the same accident as is alluded to by the orator. The question agitated by the antiquaries is, whether the wolf now in the conservator's palace is that of Livy and Dionysius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither one or the other. The earlier writers differ as much as the modern: Lucius Faunus *) says, that it is the one alluded to by both, which is impossible, and also by Virgil, which may be. Ful-wolf, which might therefore be supposed to tar vius Ursinus calls it the wolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus talks of it as the one mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycquius tremblingly assents. **) Nardini is inclined to suppose it may be one of the many wolves preserved in ancient Rome: but of the two rather bends to the Ciceronian statue. Montfaucon ***) mentions it as a point without doubt. Of the latter writers the decisive Winkelmann proclaims it as having been found at the church of Saint Theodore, where, or near where, was the temple of Romulus, and consequently makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is Lucius Faunus, who, however, only says that it was placed, not found, at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, by which he does not seem to allude to the church of Saint Theodore. Rycquius was the first to make the mistake, and Winkelmann followed Rycquius. Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says he had heard the wolf with the twins was found near the arch of Septimius Severus. The commentator on Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that learned person, and is incensed at Nardini for not having remarked that Cicero, in speaking of the wolf struck with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the past tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does not positively assert the statue to be that mentioned by Cicero, and, if he had, the assumption would not perhaps have been so exceedingly indiscreet. The Abate himself is obliged to own that there are marks very like the scathing of lightning in the hinder legs of the present wolf; and, to get rid of this, adds, that the wolf seen by Dionysius might have been also struck by lightning, or otherwise injured.

Let us examine the subject by a reference to the words of Cicero. The orator in two places seems to particularize the Romulus and the Remus, especially the first, which his audience remembered to have been in the Capitol, as being struck with lightning. In his verses he records that the twins and wolf both fell, and that the latter left behind the marks of her feet. Cicero does not say that the wolf was consumed: and Dion only mentions that it fell down, without

"Hic silvestris erat Romani nominis altrix Martia, qua parvos Mavortis semine natos Uberibus gravidis vitali rore rigabat, Quæ tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu Concidit, atque avulsa pedum vestigia liquit." De Consulatu, lib. 11. (lib. 1. de Divinat. c. 11.) *) "In eadem porticu ænea lupa, cujus uberibus Romulus ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et Virgilius semper intellexere. Livius hoc signum ab Ædilibus ex pecuniis quibus mulctati essent fœneratores positum innuit. Antea in Comitiis ad Ficum Ruminalem, quo loco pueri fuerant expositi, locatum pro certo est."

**) "Non desunt qui hanc ipsam esse putent, quam adpinximus, quæ e comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum nonnullis aliis antiquitatum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolium postea relata sit, quamvis Marlianus antiquam Capitolinam esse maluit a Tullio descriptam, cui ut in re nimis dubia, trepide adsentimur."

***) "Lupa hodieque in capitolinis prostat ædibus, cum vestigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero."

It may be permitted, however, to remark the wolf was a Roman symbol, but the worship of that symbol is an inference in by the zeal of Lactantius. The early Chri writers are not to be trusted in the chaps which they make against the Pagans. Eas accused the Romans to their faces of worde ping Simon Magus, and raising a stater to kin in the island of the Tyber. The Roman ini probably never heard of such a person be who came, however, to play a consideral, though scandalous part in the church - his and has left several tokens of his aerial com with St. Peter at Rome; notwithstanding an inscription found in this very island of Tyber showed the Simon Magus of Eusebits be a certain indigenal god, called Semo Sug or Fidius.

Even when the worship of the founder of R had been abandoned, it was thought expe to humour the habits of the good matrons e city by sending them with their sick infants the church of St. Theodore, as they had bee practice is continued to this day; and the w carried them to the temple of Romulus. T of the above church seems to be thereby ide tified with that of the temple: so that if the f had been really found there, as Winkelman says, there would be no doubt of the present statue being that seen by Dionysius. But Fas

*) "Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affec divinis, et ferrem si animal ipsum fuisset, jus figuram gerit." That is to say, be wo rather adore a wolf than a prostitute Ra commentator has observed, that the epit of Livy concerning Laurentia being figured i this wolf was not universal.

**) To A. D. 496. Quis credere pe says Baronius, viguisse adhuc Romæ ad Gelas tempora, quæ fuere ante exordia urbis alia in Italiam Lupercalia? Gelasius wrote a letter to Andromachus, the senator, and others. show that the rites should be given up.

vereign uniting exactly the opposite characteris- of the attributes ascribed to it at present visible. tics, than one possessed of all the happy quali-The nine Muses could hardly have stood in $1 ties ascribed to this emperor. "When he mount-niches; and Juvenal certainly does not aliede ed the throne," says the historian Dion, "he was to any individual cave.) Nothing can be onl strong in body, he was vigorous in mind; age lected from the satirist but that somewhere brat had impaired none of his faculties; he was al- the Porta Capena was a spot in which it was together free from envy and from detraction; he supposed Numa held nightly consultations with honoured all the good and he advanced them; his nymph, and where there was a grove and and on this account they could not be the ob- sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated is ject of his fear, or of his hate; he never listened the Muses; and that from this spot there was a to informers; he gave not way to his anger; he descent into the valley of Egeria, where were abstained equally from unfair exactions and un- several artificial caves. It is clear that the sta Just punishments; he had rather be loved as a tues of the Muses made no part of the decors man than honoured as a sovereign; he was af- tion which the satirist thought misplaced is fable with his people, respectful to the senate, these caves; for he expressly assigns other fans and universally beloved by both; he inspired (delubra) to these divinities above the valm none with dread but the enemies of his country." and moreover tells us, that they had been eyeed to make room for the Jews. In fact, me [p. 49. St. 114. little temple, now called that of Bacchus, v The name and exploits of Rienzi must be fa- formerly thought to belong to the Muses, and miliar to the reader of Gibbon. Nardini places them in a poplar-grove, whi was in his time above the valley.

Rienzi, last of Romans!

It is probable, from the inscription and poeltion, that the cave now shown may be one of the "artificial caverns," of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the vary. under a tuft of alder bushes: but a single gre of Egeria is a mere modern invention, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames.

Egeria! sweet creation of some heart

Which found no mortal resting-place so fair As thine ideal breast. Tp. 49. St. 115. The respectable authority of Flaminius Vacca would incline us to believe in the claims of the Egerian grotto. He assures us that he saw an inscription in the pavement, stating that the fountain was that of Egeria dedicated to the nymphs. The inscription is not there at this day; but Montfaucon quotes two lines) of Ovid from a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which he seems to think had been brought from the same grotto.

This grotto and valley were formerly frequented in summer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by the modern Romans, who attached a salubrious quality to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, whose name and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dukes of that name who made over their fountain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land. | There can be little doubt that this long dell is the Egerian valley of Juvenal, and the pausingplace of Umbricius, notwithstanding the generality of his commentators have supposed the descent of the satirist and his friend to have been into the Arician grove, where the nymph met Hippolitus, and where she was more peculiarly worshipped.

The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban hill, fifteen miles distant, would be too consider able, unless we were to believe in the wild conjecture of Vossius, who makes that gate travel from its present station, where he pretends it was during the reign of the Kings, as far as the Arician grove, and then makes it recede to its old site with the shrinking city. The tufo, or pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is the substance composing the bank in which the grotto

is sunk.

The modern topographers find in the grotto the statue of the nymph and nine niches for the Muses, and a late traveller has discovered that the cave is restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted had been exchanged for injudicious ornament. But the headless statue is palpably rather a male than a nymph, and has none

*) In villa Justiniana exstat ingens lapis quadratus solidus in quo sculpta hæc duo Ovidii carmina sunt:

Egeria est quæ præbet aquas dea grata Camœnis.
Illa Numa conjux consiliumque fuit.

Qui lapis videtur ex eodem Egeria fonte, ant ejus vicinia isthuc comportatus.

Our English Juvenal was not seduced into metranslation by his acquaintance with Pope: ht carefully preserves the correct plural

Thence slowly winding down the vale we view The Egerian grots; oh, how unlike the tree! The valley abounds with springs, and over these springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presiced hence she was said to supply them with water. and she was the nymph of the grottos thrungh which the fountains were taught to flow.

The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have received names will, which have been changed at will. Veam owns he can see no traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and Diana,' wich Nardini found, or hoped to find. The mere rium of Caracalla's circns, the temple of laser and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and abere all, the temple of the god Rediculus, are car antiquaries' despair.

The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that emperor cited by Fulvias Ursinus, of which the reverse shows a circus, supposed, berever, by some to represent the Circus Maximu It gives a very good idea of that place of eve cise. The soil has been but little raised, if we may judge from the small cellular structure st the end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the god Consus. This cell is bait be neath the soil, as it must have been in the arcus itself, for Dionysius could not be persuaded to believe that this divinity was the Rena Neptune, because his altar was underground.

⚫) Substitit ad veteres arcus, madidumque
Capenam,

Hic ubi nocturna Numa constituebat amicn.
Nunc sacri fontis nemus, et delubra lora NIET
Judæis quorum cophinus fænumque supe Des
Omnis enim populo mercedem pendere jussa

est

Arbor, et ejectis mendicat silva Cameris
In vallem Egeria descendimus, et speluncas
Dissimiles veris: quanto præstantius esset
Numen aquæ, viridi si margine elanderm
undas
Herba, nec ingenuum violarent marmora
topham.

Yet let us ponder boldly. "At all events," says the author of the Aca[p. 50. St. 127. mical Questions, "I trust, whatever may be e fate of my own speculations, that philosophy Il regain that estimation which it ought to ssess. The free and philosophic spirit of our tion has been the theme of admiration to the rid. This was the proud distinction of Enghmen, and the luminous source of all their ry. Shall we then forget the manly and digied sentiments of our ancestors, to prate in language of the mother or the nurse about r good old prejudices? This is not the way defend the cause of truth. it our fathers maintained it in the brilliant It was not thus riods of our history. Prejudice may be trustto guard the outworks for a short space of e while reason slumbers in the citadel: but the latter sink into a lethargy, the former Il quickly erect a standard for herself. Philohy, wisdom, and liberty, support each other; who will not reason, is a bigot; he who cant, is a fool; and he who dares not, is a slave." re, where the ancient paid thee homage long. --Great Nemesis! We read in Suetonius that Augustus, from a (p. 51. St. 132. rning received in a dream, counterfeited, once year, the beggar, sitting before the gate of palace with his hand hollowed and stretched t for charity.) A statue formerly in the Villa rghese, and which should be now at Paris, presents the Emperor in that posture of supication. The object of this self-degradation is the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual tendant on good fortune, of whose power the man conquerors were also reminded by cerin symbols attached to their cars of triumph. he symbols were the whip and the crotalo, ich were discovered in the Nemesis of the atican. The attitude of beggary made the above atue pass for that of Belisarius: and until the iticism of Winkelmann had rectified the miske, one fiction was called in to support another. was the same fear of the sudden termination prosperity that made Amasis king of Egypt arn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the ds loved those whose lives were chequered ith good and evil fortunes. Nemesis was supsed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent: at is, for those whose caution rendered them ccessible only to mere accidents and her first tar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian sepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that ane who killed the son of Cræsus by mistake. ence the goddess was called Adrastea.

The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august; ere was a temple to her in the Palatine under me name of Rhamnusia: so great indeed was the opensity of the ancients to trust to the revotion of events, and to believe in the divinity Fortune, that in the same Palatine there was temple to the Fortune of the day. This is the

st superstition which retains its hold over the man heart, and, from concentrating in one bject the credulity so natural to man, has alays appeared strongest in those unembarrassed

other articles of belief. The antiquaries have pposed this goddess to be synonimous with forane and with fate: but it was in her vindictive ality that she was worshipped under the name

Nemesis.

725

I see before me the Gladiator lie.
this image be a laquearian gladiator, which in
Whether the wonderful statue which suggested
[p. 52. St. 140.
spite of Winkelmann's criticism has been stoutly
maintained, or whether it be a Greek herald, as
that great antiquary positively asserted *) or
whether it is to be thought a Spartan or bar-
barian shield-bearer, according to the opinion of
his Italian editor, it must assuredly seem
copy of that masterpiece of Ctesilaus which re-
presented "a wounded man dying, who perfectly
expressed what there remained of life in him." **)
statue; but that statue was of bronze. The gla-
Mountfaucon and Maffei thought it the identical
diator was once in the villa Ludovisi, and was
bought by Clement XII. The arm is an entire
restoration of Michael Angelo.

--He, their sire,
Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday.

a

Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and [p. 52. St. 141. culprits; from barbarian captives either taken ditions; from slaves sold for that purpose; from voluntary; and were supplied from several conapart for the games, or those scized and conin war, and, after being led in triumph, set demned as rebels; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorati), others from a depraved ambition: senators were exhibited, a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. ***) at last even knights and In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity prohibited by Severus. Of these the most to be pitied undoubtedly were the barbarian captives; and to this species a Christian writer †) justly applies the epithet "innocent," to distinguish them from the professional gladiators. Aurelian and Claudius supplied great numbers of these unfortunate victims; the one after his triumph, and the other on the pretext of a rebellion. No war, says Lipsius, was ever so destructive to the human race as these sports. In spite of the laws of Constantine and Constans, gladiatorial shows survived the old established religion more than seventy years; owed their final extinction to the courage of a Christian. In the year 404, on the kalends of but they January, they were exhibiting the shows in the Flavian amphitheatre before the usual immense an eastern monk, who had travelled to Rome concourse of people. Almachius or Telemachus, intent on his holy purpose, rushed into the midst of the area, and endeavoured to separate the combatants. The prætor Alypius, a person inorders to the gladiators to slay him; and Telecredibly attached to these games, gave instant machus gained the crown of martyrdom, and the title of saint, which surely has never either before or since been awarded for a more noble exploit. Honorius immediately abolished the shows, which were never afterwards revived.

*) Either Polifontes, herald of Laius, killed by Edipus; or Cepreas, herald of Euritheus, killed by the Athenians when he endeavoured to drag the Heraclidæ from the altar of Mercy, and in whose honour they instituted annual games, continued to the time of Hadrian; or Anthemocritus, the Athenian herald, killed by the Megarenses, who never recovered the impiety.

Vulneratum deficientem fecit in quo possit intelligi quantum restat animæ. PLIN. Nat. Hist. XXXIV. 8.

***) Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena.

+) Tertullian, "certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores in ludum veniunt, ut voluptatis publicæ hostiæ fiant."

The story is told by Theodoret and Cassiodorus, and seems worthy of credit notwithstanding its place in the Roman martyrology. Besides the torrents of blood which flowed at the funerals, in the amphitheatres, the circus, the forums, and other public places, gladiators were introduced at feasts, and tore each other to pieces amidst the supper-tables, to the great delight and applause of the guests. Yet Lipsius permits himself to suppose the loss of courage, and the evident degeneracy of mankind, to be nearly connected with the abolition of these bloody spectacles. *)

"

which enabled him to wear a wreath of laurel on all occasions. He was anxious, not, to thes that he was the conqueror of the world, but to hide that he was bald. A stranger at Rame would hardly have guessed at the motive, s should we without the help of the historian While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall atmd,

[p. 52. St. 16 This is quoted in the Decline and Fall ofás Roman Empire.

And they who feel for genius may repose
Their eyes on honour'd forms, whose busts art
them close.
(p. 52. St. 18.
The Pantheon has been made a receptacle fr
the busts of modern great, or, at least, disas
guished men. The flood of light, which once
through the large orb above on the whole ce
of divinities, now shines on a numerous ass
blage of mortals, some one or two of whom
been almost deified by the veneration of the
countrymen.

Spared and blest by time. (p. 52. St@ Here, where the Roman million's blame or praise. Though plundered of all its brass, except Was death or life, the playthings of a crowd. ring which was necessary to preserve the n [p. 52. St. 142. ture above; though exposed to repeated in When one gladiator wounded another, he though sometimes flooded by the river, an shouted "he has it." "hoc habet, or "habet." ways open to the rain, no monument of c The wounded combatant dropped his weapon, antiquity is so well preserved as this re and advancing to the edge of the arena, suppli-It passed with little alteration from the past cated the spectators. If he had fought well, the into the present worship; and so convenient we people saved him; if otherwise, or as they hap-its niches for the Christian altar, that Michael pened to be inclined, they turned down their Angelo, ever studious of ancient beauty, intro thumbs, and he was slain. They were occasion- duced their design as a model in the Catha ally so savage that they were impatient if a church. combat lasted longer than ordinary without wounds or death. The emperor's presence generally saved the vanquished: and it is recorded as an instance of Caracalla's ferocity, that he sent those who supplicated him for life, in a spectacle at Nicomedia, to ask the people; in other words, handed them over to be slain. A similar ceremony is observed at the Spanish bull-fights. The magistrate presides; and after the horsemen and piccadores have fought the bull, the matadore steps forward and bows to him for permission to kill the animal. If the bull has done his duty by killing two or three horses, or a man, which last is rare, the people interfere with shouts, the ladies wave their handkerchiefs, and the animal is saved. The wounds and death of the horses are accompanied with the loudest acclamations, and many gestures of delight, especially from the female portion of the audience, including those of the gentlest blood. Every thing depends on habit. The author of Childe Harold, the writer of this note, and one or two other Englishmen, who have certainly in other days borne the sight of a pitched battle, were, during the summer of 1809, in the governor's box at the great amphitheatre of Santa Maria, opposite to Cadiz. The death of one or two horses completely satisfied their curiosity. A gentleman present, observing them shudder and look pale, noticed that unusual reception of so delightful a sport to some young ladies, who stared and smiled, and continued their applauses as another horse fell bleeding to the ground. One bull killed three horses off his own horns. He was saved by acclamations, which were redoubled when it was known he belonged to a priest.

An Englishman who can be much pleased with seeing two men beat themselves to pieces, cannot bear to look at a horse galloping round an arena with his bowels trailing on the ground, and turns from the spectacle and the spectators with horror and disgust.

Like laurels on the bald first Caesar's head. [p. 52. St. 144. Suetonius informs us that Julius Cæsar was particularly gratified by that decree of the senate,

*) "Quod? non tu Lipsi momentum aliquod habuisse censes ad virtutem? Magnum. Tempora nostra, nosque ipsos videamus. Oppidum ecce unum alterumve captum, direptum est; tumultus circa non in nobis; et tamen concidimus et turbamur. Ubi robur, ubi tot per annos meditata sapientiæ studia? ubi ille animus qui possit dicere, si fractus illabatur orbis ?" The prototype of Mr. Windham's panegyric on ball-baiting.

There is a dungeon, in whose dim drear lig
[p. 52. St. 148
This and the three next stanzas allude to the
story of the Roman daughter, which is re
to the traveller by the site, or pretended
of that adventure now shown at the church d
Saint Nicholas in carcere.

Turn to the mole which Hadrian rear'd en high
The castle of Saint Angelo.

[p. 53. & 15

(p. 53. &t. 1 This and the six next stanzas have a referent to the church of St. Peter.

-The strange fate Which tumbles mightiest sovereigns. (p. 55. St. M Mary died on the scaffold; Elizabeth fa broken heart; Charles V. a hermit; Louis U a bankrupt in means and glory; Cromwel d anxiety; and, "the greatest is behind." Nap lives a prisoner. To these sovereigns a long superfluous list might be added of names equally illustrious and unhappy.

Lo, Nemi! navell'd in the woody hills. (p. 55. St. 172 The village of Nemi was near the Arcan retreat of Egeria, and, from the shades v embosomed the temple of Diana, has preserved to this day its distinctive appellation of Grove. Nemi is but an evening's ride from the

comfortable inn of Albano.