TALES FROM THE SCRAP BOOK OF A

COUNTRY CLERGYMAN'

THE 'Tales from the Scrap Book of a Country Clergyman,' as the title denotes, are short, simple tales founded principally on the personal experience of their author, intended for an agricultural population; they were written much in the style of the 'Rick-Burners,' and with similar aims. They are four in number: (1) Alice Green'; (2) The Drunkard'; (3) 'The Politicians'; and (4) ‘The Publican.' It is unnecessary to introduce into this Memoir quotations from any of them, except the following extract from 'The Politicians,' which gives some insight into Molesworth's personal attitude towards politics from which he consistently refrained, except where the interests of the Church and religion were at stake :

It can hardly have escaped the notice of the most careless observer, that our evil passions find food and incitements from every object; and frequently burst forth with the greatest violence when excited by matters in which we have apparently very little direct interest, and sometimes not only very erroneous notions, but not even the means or opportunities of anything like an accurate judgment. This is, in a remarkable degree, the case with respect to political questions, and to all parties engaging in them, whether Tories or Whigs, Reformers or Radicals. Few subjects tend to place in a more prominent light the lamentable corruption and weakness of our nature. Instances are by no means uncommon of the most rancorous and malignant enmity arising between attached and generous minded individuals on questions totally out of their sphere, and taken up, without examination, on the authority of others. At the same time, not contented with merely holding an opinion, they make it their whole business to propagate this opinion, and to force those who are entrusted with the office of legislature to model the State according to these crude fantasies. And in doing this, they entirely neglect their own interests both temporal and spiritual.

This unhappy itch is both prevalent and productive of serious evil. It has not only in fact rendered people ridiculous, causing them to mislead others as well as themselves, but it is also attended with consequences still more alarming to a serious Christian. It weakens and even destroys those principles of brotherly love which are the distinguishing characters of our holy calling. It tempts men to harbour feelings of malice, wrath, and contempt against others; and to entertain presumptuous notions of their own superiority which are foreign to their general disposition, and decidedly at variance with the meek, tolerant and charitable spirit of the Gospel. It is not meant to dispute every man's duty to feel an interest in the welfare of his country or to think for himself on the measures adopted by its legislature. But before he acts upon his opinion, it is at least prudent to ascertain that his opinion is right, and to consider well how far he is qualified to form a positive and authoritative judgment. . . . A fool,' says Solomon, ‘utters all his mind, but a wise man keepeth it till afterwards.' This advice is particularly applicable to political questions. If a man would avoid rendering himself a laughing-stock, or a dangerous meddler, he must avoid making himself a partisan, unless he has both leisure and information to form a sound and comprehensive judgment upon the points at issue. . . . The most important caution of all is, that with even the most carefully weighed and best informed judgment, he should guard against a positive and dogmatical assertion of his opinions, and especially against the sacrifice of his Christian principles.

If such be his love of politics or so strong his interest in the measures of government, that he cannot refrain from taking an active part, the least he can do, is to maintain his own views with a charitable allowance for the defects of others, a recollection of the different light in which the same subject presents itself to different people, and of the impossibility of all people thinking alike upon any point. He should remember that in the complicated relations and interests, on which political measures operate, he himself may have overlooked or not have given its proportionate value to some of their workings and effects, and that he himself is liable to error and prejudice as well as others. We are not, therefore, justified in assuming that all who differ from us must do so from either corrupt

or turbulent motives, or from absolute stupidity. It is the very essence of bigotry and illiberality to affirm that those who differ from us on some question must be bigots, illiberal, prejudiced, or wicked; and that we, and those who happen to agree with us, constitute the liberal, enlightened, and virtuous part of the community. If, in the discussion of politics, we lose sight of these principles they will assuredly encourage pride, envy, and malice; they will become decidedly prejudicial to our Christian calling, and to those interests for the sacrifice of which no worldly considerations can compensate us. . . . The case I propose to bring forward as an illustration of these principles occurred when I was passing a few weeks in the parish of M————with my worthy uncle, Mr. Walter Blunt.

M

We had been chatting over this subject after dinner, and I had expressed my regret at the weakness of some respected and excellent friends of ours, who, with the most amiable dispositions, had allowed themselves to be soured against each other, and could seldom speak of their political opponents in any other terms than those of scorn and bitterness. 'It is very true,' said my uncle, and greatly to be deplored; and it's a mischief which appears to extend its influence every day more widely, and to divide and irritate men of all classes and circumstances. We have here in our parish a case in point, where, though the parties were in humble life, the effects from a Christian point of view, are very serious, and I cannot but deeply lament the results. The affair would be absolutely ludicrous if it had not caused two men, otherwise highly respected in their situations, not only to render themselves very ridiculous, but to entertain feelings, and to be guilty of deeds of spite and malice, which every serious Christian must contemplate with pain and apprehension. As it bears so strongly upon the subject of our conversation I give you a short account of these men.'

The tale then follows; but it is not included.

'OVERBURY'

THIS work partakes more of the character of a novel than the simple tales to which reference has been made. In fact, the remarkable similarity in some of the characters and incidents in it points to the conclusion that Mrs. Oliphant's novel of 'Salem Chapel' in 'The Chronicles of Carlingford,' published many years afterwards, may have been inspired by Molesworth's 'Overbury,' in describing the difficulties experienced by a conscientious, well-informed, highly educated, and refined dissenting minister.

The incidents have been framed partly on the necessary results of the evils ascribed to the voluntary system on the one hand, and complaints on the other, and partly on actual occurrences in dissenting congregations. Mr. Cresswell, a dissenting minister, who read Overbury,' has declared the incidents to be within his own experience, not at all exaggerated.' The arguments have principally been drawn from Chalmers' Treatise on Endowments,' and from other writers whose statements have been corroborated by the admissions and complaints of the dissenters themselves.

In a postscript to a later edition of 'Overbury' Molesworth writes:

This tale has been penned with no unkindly feeling, but as an effort of defence necessary by the anti-Christian hostility and conspiracy, in which some dissenters have leagued themselves with various parties, discordant in all things but in a desire to depreciate the Established Church, and to rob her of those outward means which she possesses of promoting the influence of the Gospel among all ranks and denominations. The author has attempted to give a popular and, as he conceives, correct illustration of some of the evils of the 'Voluntary System' and its inferiority to the endowed Established Church; but, in doing this, his design has been to show, not that good men may not be found amongst the conscientious supporters of the

former system, but rather that the natural operation of the system is such as good men ought not to be exposed to;-that it is a system which, if predominant, would greatly circumscribe the outward means of grace,—increase the power of error, fanaticism, and division,-diminish the influence of sound religion, degrade the ministerial office, and lower the standard of ministerial excellence.

In putting before the reader the following quotations from Overbury,' it has been thought unnecessary to quote in this Memoir the friendly discussions between the dissenting minister and the clergyman which occupy by far the greatest portion of the tale, and, consequently, they have been omitted for want of space. The tale begins:

Ill has that man studied human nature, and little heed has he given to observe what is going on in the world around him, who will consider it any imputation upon the piety, abilities, and goodness of the Reverend Mr. Stirling, that he was not allowed to enjoy the undivided allegiance of the populous parish of B. A more indulgent rector, a better parish priest, or a more kind-hearted and useful neighbour, was not to be easily met with; but notwithstanding these good qualities, he was not able, nor did he expect to make all people think alike upon religion. There were dissenters in his parish; yet dissent had not produced unity even in its own diminished province, but had divided again, causing the erection of two meeting houses, attended by congregations as hostile to each other as they were to the Church. . . . Mr. Hodman, a neighbouring builder, having considered the number of dissenters in the town, and having also been warned by some very sanguine representations of the probable speculation which might be made through the exertions of a popular preacher, found himself suddenly very much affected with compassion for the spiritual necessities of the dissenting brethren. . Of course he had satisfied himself that money was only a secondary motive; and in the care that he took to select a suitable preacher, he was fully convinced that he had in view only the spiritual welfare of the congregation and not any return to his own pocket.

But alas! worthy man, he never thought that a good judge of bricks and mortar might chance to be but an