Church and State would strike some unlucky weed that had escaped the notice of the gardener.

Doctor Molesworth in after life often spoke of the prodigious memory and acquirements of the Archbishop; there was scarcely a quotation from any writer, ancient or modern, of note that he could not verify from his memory if improperly given. His Grace, he often said, had as great a memory as Lord Brougham, with more judgment and greater accuracy.

Amongst other matters, Molesworth was the earliest to see the importance of meeting the activity of the enemies of the Church by the production of cheap Church literature; and for this purpose started The Penny Sunday Reader, a weekly serial, the first of which was issued on January 4, 1835. It had at once an enormous circulation throughout the whole of England, and ran through four editions in the course of a few weeks.

THE IRISH STEW PREDICTED IN 1831

THE following letter, written by Dr. Molesworth, which might well be applicable to the present time, appeared in the Kentish Gazette of August 19, 1831:

We commiserate the situation of Lord Grey; but for more important considerations we must urge upon the country the caution which is given us by the extraordinary demand of the Irish members and their coalition to enforce that demand by a threat of oversetting the administration.

Here are a body of men, united for Irish objects, and for Irish objects only, returned by a Papist population, and compelled to act for their Papist constituents, who have not only no sympathy with the general interests of the Empire, but a fierce and unchangeable hatred to everything Protestant, and more especially to those establishments which tend to the conservation of the Protestant religion.

See the weight of these men. Even the firm, haughty spirit of Lord Grey quails before them. He admits them to a conference in which terms are laid down, and threats not obscurely put forth. Instead of indignantly desiring them to depart and deliver their sentiments upon public measures in their place in Parliament, he enters into explanations and apologies, and promises, and then faintly tells them he will rather resign than be dictated to. We know that he will be dictated to if he does not resign, and we don't think he will resign, unless upon the principle of the man in the play, 'to prevent being kicked out.'

But this is not the important point. If under such circumstances as the present Parliament stands, with their entire devotion, not to say servility, to Ministers, the party can be so important and effective, what will it be under that precious assemblage miscalled a Reform Parliament? The power of the aristocracy will have been annihilated, the power of the Crown reduced to a very low ebb, the Government dependent upon perpetual caprice, and the body of

Irish, of Papist delegates, will probably be the only point in which anything like union will exist; their weight will be most important in the vacillating administration which will then, like the billows of a troubled ocean, continually rise and fall, and they will dictate measures prejudicial to the Empire, and fatal to the Protestant Church and liberties. These will be among the first blessings of reform. We shall have the legislature enslaved, the Government powerless, the Press, political unions, and the Papist coalition will be supreme.

Yours faithfully,

J. E. N. MOLESWORTH.

INVITATION TO LEEDS

Early in 1837 strangers appeared in the Church of St. Martin. They had heard much of Mr. Molesworth and had come from Leeds with the idea of inviting him to become a candidate for that important living, which, owing to the death of Dr. Fawcett, was then vacant.

The patronage of the Leeds Vicarage was vested in trustees, who had to select the best men they could find for the post, and then invite them to stand as candidates.

The visit to Canterbury agreeing with all that had been heard concerning Mr. Molesworth, he was then and there invited to offer himself as a candidate.

This offer was accepted, and he sent in his testmonials; but when a further invitation came requesting him to go to Leeds, to preach before the trustees, he refused to do so, saying that if they were not sufficiently satisfied with what they had already seen and heard of him, he desired to make no further effort in his own behalf.

Mr. Hook (subsequently Dr. Hook) accepted the invitation to preach, though he also refused to canvass.

The election took place, and Mr. Hook was chosen, but Mr. Molesworth was second on the list. On this occasion the

Archbishop of Canterbury (contrary to his usual custom) wrote strongly recommending Mr. Molesworth, stating that, had he a living of equal importance in his gift, he would unhesitatingly offer it to the vicar of St. Martin's.

The following characteristic letter was written by Mr. Molesworth for the information of the patrons:

CANTERBURY, February 20, 1837.

To the Chairman of the Committee of the Trustees of Leeds Church

SIR,-In consequence of a conversation with your son, who came yesterday to my church, I take the liberty of consulting you, and also stating my views on the subjects connected with the patronage of Leeds Vicarage. He intimated to me the wish of the patrons, that I should proceed to Leeds previous to the election.

I beg to offer to the patrons the following considerations, in the hope that they may thereby be induced not to press this test:

1st, I feel great repugnance to the pulpit being made a stage for the exhibition of rival candidates; and to the minister being set before those, who may hereafter be his flock, in the light of a canvasser for popularity.

2nd, I would submit that, if the patrons cannot judge of a man's competency from the testimony of those who have known him long and in various capacities, still less can they, from a single sermon, selected for display.

3rd, The ordeal selected by your son of having a sermon preached in the ordinary course is a much more satisfactory

one.

4th, I can comply with the wishes of the patrons only at very serious inconvenience. The undertaking a cure so responsible as Leeds would require the entire devotion of my time. I have therefore been endeavouring to urge forward my Sunday Reader, a weekly periodical, and to meet a position that I may have all the numbers up to the end of June in the publisher's hands, and be enabled to close the work if I should be elected. This in itself will be attended with no small difficulty and labour, which are greatly increased by the late prevailing epidemic having disabled the printers, and by other causes which have thrown me behind the ordinary course.

5th, The expense would be considerable. This, however, is of very inferior consequence.

Under these circumstances I would fain hope that the patrons would dispense with my coming to Leeds, and that my subjoining a frank and open statement of my religious and political principles might give them all the information they might require.

Your son observed that from my sermon he should have judged that I belonged to that party in the Church (to which I understand he himself is inclined) which is called Evangelical. I felt it my duty to undeceive him instantly, and stated, as I now do, that I not only do not belong to that party, but am decidedly opposed to that portion of them whose tenets lean to Calvinism. I am firm, but not violent in my opinions; and never, I trust, unkind, or unfriendly to those who differ from me. When I state that I do not belong to the Evangelical Party, I contend that, to the best of my judgment, I preach the Gospel in all its power and obligations, in all its hopes and all its duties. I preach Christ the Corner-stone and the Foundation, --but I call on man, assisted by the grace of God, to build thereon a superstructure. I tell him that, if he will not do so, he will receive the grace of God in vain, and Christ's sacrifice, instead of being his safety, will increase his condemnation.

My political principles are Conservative; and always have been since I could use my own judgment. I am no abettor of abuses, or of oppression, but am well convinced that neither the property nor the liberties of the people are ever in so great danger, as when the former is committed to the safeguard of needy adventurers, professing excessive hostility to corruption; and as when the latter, by the sacrifice of wholesome restraints to ignorant or artful clamour, is exchanged for licentiousness which must merge into opposition and despotism.

I dislike politics, and wish to avoid interfering with them, both from inclination and from professional considerations. But when great and pressing dangers menace the religious, or even the civil, liberties of the country, I do not hold myself absolved from, nor fear to discharge, the duties of a Christian citizen.

These, Sir, are my sentiments, given freely and without reserve; and I will add (though respectfully) without