Tagus. He could assure the right hon. gent. that for his own part, after having been attacked for four or five months upon this subject, in a mode, that he cer

dent that in this manner the corps of gen. Spencer had been of considerable service in marching from Seville to Ayamonte, and stopping a portion of Junot's army that was coming to the relief of Dupont.-tainly had not resorted to to defend himself, As to the attacks which had been made upon him for not having sent sufficient cavalry with the Expedition, he was ready to strengthen the right hon. gent.'s argument, and to admit, that it was only by accident that any cavalry at all had been attached to it. It was not supposed that cavalry was a proper description of force to send with those floating expeditions, which might be a long time at sea, before they found a favourable opportunity for landing. Some of the cavalry, however, which were in Portugal, had happened to come from the Mediterranean. He should always protest against the notion that we were never to engage an enemy, unless we were equal or superior to him in cavalry. He would ask the House, would they wish to blot out from the page of our history, those brilliant victories which we had gained when much inferior in cavalry At the glorious battle of Alexandria, sir Ralph Abercrombie had but 150 dragoons, and the French had 2,400 cavalry; and at the battle of Maida, sir John Stuart had no cavalry at all. In the expedition to Portugal, the government had made sufficient provision even of cavalry. Our army would have been superior to the enemy in this respect, if the cavalry which was in Mondego Bay on the 20th (the day before the battle) had landed. The 18th dragoons were also very near. He would allow, however, that if sir Arthur Wellesley had had the cavalry on that day, upon which he routed the French, perhaps more completely than ever they had been routed on a former occasion, [Cries of hear! hear!] the result of that victory would have been still more glorious. Although he was free to confess this, yet he must entirely resist the idea of government having neglected its duty in any particular. He believed the House must now recollect what was the temper of the country at the time that there appeared a delay in the sailing of the expedition under sir A. Wellesley from Cork. Whatever was the enthusiasm which prevailed in the public mind, for the immediate co-operation with the Spaniards, ministers would have been much to blame if they had not acted upon the information which they received from sir C. Cotton of the state of Lisbon and the forts upon the

he should be extremely glad to have an opportunity of making that defence for himself and his majesty's government, and that the fair case should be laid before parliament. He could assure the right hon. gent. also, that although his sagacity might enable him to lay his fingers on some fault in the present government, yet he felt confident that his majesty's ministers could prove to the satisfaction of the House and the country, that they had not been negligent in the great trust which had been reposed in them: and no greater personal favour could be conferred upon him than in giving him the opportunity of defending those measures for which he felt himself so highly responsible.—As to the inconsistency which was stated between the disapprobation of his majesty of some parts of the Armistice and Convention, and the joy which his ministers had manifested in the usual manner, on hearing the news of the evacuation of Portugal, he thought this was a charge which might be easily explained. He believed, that every body had heard with joy the brilliant victories of our army, and the delivery of Portugal from the oppression and tyranny of France. If the right hon. gent, himself did not feel joy on those topics mentioned in the Speech, he could not conceive upon what grounds, he had concurred in the Address. If, upon the receipt of the news of the deliverance of Portugal, ministers had not thought it proper to announce the intelligence by the usual demonstrations of joy, their silence would have been considered unfair with respect to the generals who negociated the Armistice and Convention. It would have appeared as if the whole weight of ministers and of his majesty's government was against them. It was not at all extraordinary, that his majesty's opinion on a question submitted to a military tribunal, should not be expressed in his Speech from the throne; but if the right hon. gent. chose to seek information in another manner, it would not be difficult to obtain it. As to the Answer which had been given to the Address of the city of London, he believed the right hon. gent. would find it very hard indeed to persuade the city of London that his majesty's ministers were actuated by any other view in the advice

were they not, welcome to the people of Spain? He had reason to doubt also that fact. It was fit that the country should know it, and he was fearful that a multitude of Spaniards wished success to Buonaparté, rather than to us. We were not now so sure as we formerly thought ourselves, of the feelings of Spain; we were not perfectly content with the reception which we had met with in the different provin ces of that country. The marquis de Romana complained of the reception which the inhabitants of the north gave to the French troops, which made it seem as if they would be well content that the French should conquer. Although we must condemn the ambition and injustice of Buonaparté, in his attack upon Spain, yet the means which he pursued for the attainment of his object were extremely judicious. He abolished the Inquisition, feudal rights, and unequal taxation. This was certainly holding out some temptation to the

condemning the light and fanciful manner in which the noble lord spoke of our campaign in Spain. When it was considered that one of the greatest armies which this country had ever sent into the field was now in Spain; that it was under an officer of the first merit in his profession, possessing the confidence of the government and the country, and that, nevertheless, it was under the necessity of retreating; when it was considered, that news had arrived this very day of Buonaparté, with an army three times superior, hovering near it and threatening its right wing; and when it was also considered, that perhaps before the house should break up that night it was not improbable, that intelligence might arrive of still greater calamities, he did not conceive the noble lord was justified in talking so lightly of our operations in Spain. He must declare, that the country was now coming to that state, whether by the mismanagement of ministers, or by the force of events, that party-people to acquiesce in the changes which considerations must cease [cries of hear! hear!] The hour would, however, come, when the house should call on ministers to render an account of the use which they had made of the immense power which had been put into their hands,-power, which, perhaps, if wisely used, might have had the most glorious events. He should rejoice much to find that ministers could clear themselves from any charge of mismanaging the resources of the country, and prove that all the disasters which had recently happened, had proceeded only from that course of events, which was beyond their control. If, however, these disasters should appear to proceed from the misconduct of ministers, he thought the house should demandcondign punishment on their heads. He could not blame the ministers for sending a British force, in the first instance, to co-operate with the Spaniards; but since then they had had time enough to consider, whether the sending of a British army into Spain was likely to be of any service; or whether, on the contrary, the retreat of it would not do a positive mischief, by disheartening the Spanish Patriots. It was now doubtful whether we had not been proceeding on false information all along, both with respect to Spain and Portugal. Were our troops agreeable to the people of Portugal, or were we not obliged to keep a certain force there, for the purpose of keeping the people quiet, that is, to strike terror into our friends instead of the enemy? Were our troops, or VOL. XII.

he wished to introduce. Buonaparte's promise of amelioration had unquestionably produced a great temporary effect, although he might do as he pleased hereafter, and was likely enough to be faithless to his promise: in the mean time, the promise had the same effect as if he were sincere in it, since the people believed that he would ameliorate their condition; whereas, the government of England was not connected with any thing like a promise of the reform of any of the evils of the old government, nor with any thing like an amelioration of the condition of the people of Spain. He knew he might be accused of a feeling which he did not feel most assuredly, that of a wish to aid the cause of the enemy by these observations, by raising a clamour against the war, but he must take upon himself all the inconveniences of that risk by stating these things; he felt it to be his duty to state them on the first day of the session, and to speak out as he felt.As to the Address, there were some parts which had his concurrence, and some which had not, although he did not mean to move any amendment. He had no objection to that part of the Address which pledged the house to support his majesty in persevering in a vigorous prosecution of the war, although he thought that unnecessary, because every war must be prosecuted with vigour until there was an end of it. No man was more desirous that himself to prosecute it with vigour, and therefore that part of the Address had his cordial F

us,

concurrence, not only in contemplation of he did not approve of the treaty with Spain war, but on the eve of a negociation for was, that England was bound by the enthe purpose of obtaining a just and honour-gagement she had entered into to do all able peace. But, if it was to be understood, she could to assist Spain if there had been that, by such an approval of the Address no treaty, and she could not do any more he was to be pledged to any thing like after the treaty. She would, however, apa bellum ad internecionem, he must not only pear somewhat disgraced in the eyes of dissent from, but protest against, it. God the world, by entering into a solemn forbid that we should abandon the Spa- treaty which she had no means of fulfilling. nish cause while it was possible for us to As to Sweden, whatever we might feel of support it with any prospect of success; advantage from the trade we have through but he was far from being sure that the that country, he was sure it would be time might not come when we shall have much better for the poor inhabitants of to treat with France after she shall totally Sweden and Finland that our subsidy of have subdued Spain. He, by no means, £100,000 per month was removed, and that condemned ministers for not accepting they were allowed to make such a peace as the propositions sent from Erfurth, as there was suitable to their interests. As to the was no man in the country who could firmness and magnanimity of the king admit of the abandonment of Spain as a of Sweden, they were qualities fruitless to preliminary to peace; but what he found fruitless to the cause of Spain, and perfault with was, that the country was apt haps ruinous to his own subjects. This last to run wild with every gleam of good suc- consideration detracted considerably from cess. When the Spanish Patriots were suc- their merit. He would, however agree cessful last summer, nothing was spoken that it was necessary for us to furnish the of, or thought of, in this country, but the succours stipulated in the treaty. With utter ruin of Buonaparté: and many poli- respect to the manner in which sir John ticans of the old school were thinking even Moore was under the necessity of retiring of the divisions into which France was to from Sweden, he had no doubt that gallant be cut up. It was miserable for the coun- officer had reasons which would fully try to be led so far by every tide of good justify him in the eyes of all the world, but success. He was tired of the vaunting ex- there was about that transaction a mystery, pressions which he had been used to hear which it would at some time or other, he in that house for the last sixteen years, should hope, be convenient to reveal.— about the destruction, followed as they Upon the improving state of our revenue uniformly had been by the aggrandise- he could not but feel satisfaction; yet ment, of France. Even if the Spaniards had whilst expressing that satisfaction he must driven the French out of their country, be permitted to observe, that the improvethey could have done but little more against ment of the revenue was always attended the overgrown power of France. He re- with an increase of the influence of the collected, that at different periods of the crown, and with an increasing corruption war, it had been said that England would of the country.-He could have wished, never make peace unless this thing and that in the speech some intimation had the other was given up by France, and been given that the Report of the Finance yet we afterwards were ready to treat Committee would have been taken up, and with her, allowing her to retain her ac- if so, whether some retrenchments might quisitions. A few weeks after a negocia- not be made. If this were done, the tion failed, we were always ready to call country would pay with more satisfaction the man, with whom we had been content what was absolutely necessary. He should to negociate, an atrocious usurper. He wish to hear from some minister that that thought that ministers were not only justi- committee was to be revived, and who fiable in refusing to treat on the terms of- were the men that were to compose it. At fered at Erfurth, but that they would have least, he should hope, that a set of men been the basest of mankind if they had would not be placed in it for the purpose accepted such a preliminary. He could of counteracting the labours of the others. not, however, avoid regretting that the If this were done, it would gratify the peocountry had lost so many fair opportunities ple, if it could not relieve them. He of negociating a peace, and that it had at hoped and trusted that this session of parength been reduced to such a foul opporliament would be distinguished by a vigi ty, that it could not have accepted lant attention to the expenditure of the t eternal disgrace. The reason that public money; and that if new burthens

tun. withou

were to be imposed, the people might at marked, that the hon. gent. in the same least have the consolation of knowing that breath in which he told the house, that the abuses were corrected. He did regret that present crisis ought to be peculiarly exnothing had been mentioned respecting empt from political party feeling, intiour relations with America. The same mated that ministers should be put upon infatuation seemed now to prevail with their trial, and that they probably deservrespect to that country, that existed in the ed condign punishment. For his part, time of the late American war. There he was not aware that this was the light were the same taunts, the same sarcasms, in which he and his coadjutors stood. and the same assertions, that America Certainly his majesty's ministers stood in could not do without us. He must depre- a situation of responsibility, but not of culcate a war with America, as being likely pability. They had done their duty in to be much more injurious to us than to following up the feelings of the country, them. The right hon. gent. (Mr. Can- and in using the means intrusted to them ning) had to a proposition most just andrea- in support of that great cause which had sonable (as appeared to him), returned such excited those feelings; if there should be an answer, that accommodation seemed failure, that failure would not be the reat an end, and the American legislature sult of accidental or intentional omission almost unanimously resolved upon shutting on their part; and the hon. gent. had all their rivers and ports against our trade. shewn that he and his friends had not He most forcibly deprecated the idea agreed on the principle of their accusawhich some thoughtless persons were but tion. He had heard only two of the Comtoo forward to propagate-which none, mittee of Accusers, and he confessed, that indeed, but thoughtless persons could en- if before the rising of parliament last sestertain-namely, of a war with that coun- sion he had had the advantage of hearing try. Here the hon. gent. ridiculed with the opinion of those two, and of reading great severity the orders in council, and the pamphlet attributed to one of them, the effects which that measure was expected instead of an increase of light, he should to produce. In spite of the want of colo- have experienced an increase of perplexinial produce, notwithstanding the want of ty.-The hon. gent. who had just spoken, sugar, coffee, and jesuit's bark, the French echoing his published opinion, (if it actuarmies had marched without leaving a ally was his, of which he sometimes doubtsingle straggler, and the ruler of France ed,) seemed to consider the course to be had 200,000 men in arms beyond the Pyre- pursued by government so plain that they nees, while ministers thought to break up could scarcely do ill by going wrong. his power, by depriving his subjects of the The other hon. gent. on the contrary approduce of the West Indies! He reviews peared to think that no step ought to be his troops at Madrid, and they are found taken without the most mature deliberaamply provided with every necessary. At tion; that whatever was done in haste a period so awful as the present, our rela- must be done erroneously, and that it was tions with America were not even alluded the duty of ministers to hesitate and reto. Let us heal the hostile feelings of the sist the impulse of popular feeling, as untwo countries before it be too late. Turkey equivocally and consentaneously expressalso was quite left out of his majesty's ed by every class of the community. But speech; a country at present in great ministers had adopted a line of conduct, commotion, and always in a state of tur- which, though not consonant exactly to the bulent imbecility. It was surely of im- recommendation of either of these gentleportance to know whether that country men, would, he trusted, be found preferable was to maintain its shadow of independence, to the plans of both. Keeping in view the or destined speedily to fall into the hands consentaneous and ardent feeling of the of France. He regretted that no informa-nation in favour of Spain, his majesty's tion had been given on the points which he had mentioned, and concluded a very able and argumentative speech by observing, that though there were several parts of the Address of which he disapproved, yet having specified these, he did not think it necessary to divide the house on the subject of that Address.

Mr. Secretary Canning, in reply, re

ministers reserved to themselves the consideration of the most eligible means of applying the national resources to the object in view, taking care to proportion the aid to the necessity.-As to the propriety of deliberation, so much insisted upon by the right hon. gent. on the other side, the position was undeniable. The right hon. gent. was right in his principle; but he