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teste.

CHAP. opposition to the Pope, on the question of presentation, VI.

seems to have obscured the true conception of his 1258

character, which is evident from his life as a whole; Antipapal policy of Matthew Paris, constrained to find some ground of Grosse

praise, calls him in terms which he would have been the first to reject, an outspoken opponent of king and Pope, the hammer of the Romans ;' while he goes on to acknowledge his many other virtues, and his fulfilment of all the highest duties of a bishop. Such was the friend, the protector, the counsellor of Simon

de Montfort. Change in About the time of Grossetestes death a change the relations of the occurred, which caused this split to heal, and united English

the clerical party. Innocent IV had, from the time Church with the of his accession, taken up a still more decided line of papacy,

action than his predecessor. The fruits of this were soon felt in England. He laid aside all shame,' we read, and extorted larger sums of money than any before him, so that 'a murmur of complaint, loud though late, rose up from the heart of England.' 2 His opinion of England was expressed in the words, Verily it is an inexhaustible fount, and where there is much abundance, thence can much be extorted.' 3 But for some time, and especially during the heat of

to take his soul. I may mention here a story showing the close connexion of Grosseteste and de Montfort in the popular imagination. On the Sunday before the battle of Evesham a lad was brought to be healed, at the bishops tomb, of dumbness and contortions. He fell asleep, and slept long ; on waking he began to speak, and told his parents it was needless to wait longer, for the bishop was not present; he was gone to Evesham 'to help Earl Simon, his brother, who was to die there.'Rish. Chron. Camd. Soc., p. 71.

I'Regis et Papæ redargutor manifestus . . . malleus et contemptor Romanorum, &c.'--Matt. Par, 876.

* Matt. West. 180.
: Matt. Par. 705 ; see above, p. 82,

СНАР.

VI.

in his way.

the struggle, when Innocent depended mainly on the episcopate, the kings opposition threw difficulties We have seen the warmth of Henrys

1258 youthful devotion and gratitude to the Holy See, caused by which Honorius did not live to put to the test.. in the atGregory IX stood towards him in the double re- the king. lation of a feudal lord and a spiritual father;' while claiming the right of appointment, he recognised to a certain extent the ancient royal rights over the Church. This policy bore fruit in the partial approval shown by Henry of his action against Frederick, as testified by the publication of the ban in England. But during most of his papacy, and the first part of that of Innocent IV, the connexion between Henry and his great brother-in-law the Emperor, the threats and entreaties of the latter, and the authority exerted by the Pope, without royal leave, over the bishops, did much to cool the ardour of Henrys devotion. From the first Innocent IV had paid Policy of considerable attention to him, and had issued bulls lviowards confirming his rights, declaring his intention not to Henry. interfere with lay patronage, bidding the clergy support their king; o such favours were however too cheap to win Henry completely. After the death of the Emperor and the collapse of the secular power he made greater efforts. Henry had now nothing more

" He sanctioned the marriage of Isabella to Frederick II ; he interfered on behalf of Hubert de Burgh ; he stood security for Isabellas marriage-portion; he warned the king against extravagance and imprudent generosity.

2 He forbade the election to a bishopric of anyone unpleasing to the king ; he commanded the Bishop of Lincoln, during the vacancy of Durham, not to interfere in that diocese to the prejudice of the kings rights. 3 Fæd. i. sub annis 1244, 1245.

L

CHAP. to fear from the indignation of the Emperor ; his VI.

dynastic ambition could be utilised to its full extent. 1258 Innocent perceived that he could not win all interests, Policy of Innocent

he therefore confined his attention to the king, and IV towards sought to make him his firm ally by more substantial

favours. About the same time Henry, on his side, showed an inclination to come to a better understanding with the Pope. As early as 1250 we find him requesting the tenth. The Pope at that time declined to grant it, declaring it unconstitutional to do so without consent of the clergy.' He also refused to allow him the tenth requested from the Church

of Scotland, a demand which he styled 'utterly unundergoes heard of.'? But such petty scruples soon gave way a change.

when it occurred to him that he might make use of Henry as a tool to uproot imperialism in Italy. The crusade from which he had formerly dissuaded him, as endangering the peace of his own country, was now urged upon him with the greatest eagerness; the unconstitutional tenth from England, and that unheard

of contribution from Scotland, were now granted Effect of willingly enough. The move was a bold one, and at this on the first appeared likely to prove successful; but the Pope English Church. had over-reached himself. It was this alliance of

their foes which united the different sections of the English clergy, and welded them into the solid mass they had formed forty years before. Instead of the mutual support which king and Pope expected,

| Fod, i. 272.
? • Penitus inauditum.'-id. i. 277.

• It was however not the tenth, but a twentieth, which was granted from Scotland. The feeling as to the tenth granted to the king is expressed in Gest. Abb. St. Alb. i. 369, where it is called a 'novitas a seculis inaudita,' that the Church should pay for the support of the laity, instead of the reverse.

VI.

nothing went further to undermine the influence of CHAP, both than this unnatural union of the temporal and spiritual power, this coalition of the Pope who ought 1253 to have been an emperor with the king who ought to have been a monk.

Along with this process of union grew the political Original ideas of the Church, and its clearness of political vision. the English Nothing is more remarkable than the reverence dis- Church played at first for the papacy. In the long lists of Rome; grievances drawn up by the representatives of the clergy, it is constantly suggested that the true state of the case is hidden from the Pope and the Curia, that if they knew the reality they would never countenance such exactions. The convocation in 1255 declared their intention of appealing to the Pope, 'who beyond doubt was a most holy man.' But the truth began to dawn upon them at last, cooled by although as late as 1257 they resolved to claim the the action papal protection against the king. Long before this papacy. it had been darkly hinted that Pope and king were intriguing merely to get money, and the temper of convocation in 1257 showed that they were becoming convinced of the fact. The deception by which money was demanded as a subsidy for the crusade, while it was intended for the Sicilian scheme, and the exposure of the still grosser piece of trickery practised by the Bishop of Hereford, must have shown everyone the truth. The crusades were in many ways one of the chief supports of papal power during this age, and the Popes knew well how to convert the crusading spirit to their own ends. But at this time devotion to the Church, we are informed, began to grow cold, and

of the

Ann. Burt. 265.

? See p. 111.

CHAP.

VI.

and of

therewith the impulse towards crusades. Moreover,

with the growth of national feeling in England had 1258

grown the idea of a National Church. In 1244 we Theory of a National find the theory of a distinction between Churches Church;

advanced ; the clergy in their remonstrancel say that as the Church of Rome has its patrimony, so other Churches have theirs; that they are not tributary Churches, the Pope having indeed the care of all souls, but being in no sense the owner of all Church property. On the contrary, they recognise the right of lay patronage, and the consequent claim to a voice in the management of Church property which belongs to lay

patrons. Once too, in 1246, they recollect that there papal supremacy.

is an authority yet higher than the Pope; they threaten to appeal to the General Council ; but they do not seem to have dared to carry out the threat. They replied to Rustands demands with the argument, that it is true in a certain sense that the property of the Church belongs to the Pope, but only inasmuch as it is under his protection; he has no more right to the enjoyment or appropriation of it than a king has to seize the property of subjects whom it is his duty to defend. The venality of the Curia, from which they had often to buy the confirmation of elections, the secular character of the struggle in which the Pope was engaged, scandalised many whom the mere amount of the papal exactions might not have offended. 3

But the less ideal grievances they had to complain of-the vast number of Italian ecclesiastics in possession

Ann. Burt. 265.

? Matt. Par. 920. 3.Gratiam ab illa venali curia obtinuerunt.'- Gest. Abb. St. Alb. i. 309; cf. Ann. Burt. 265.

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