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Fiat Justitia Ruat Coelum.
ment of settlements in Africa, where there will be should they entertain the hope that a pretty large no restraints upon emigration, beyond the control of the State Society; and whereas, it is believed, number would stand by them. But the great for these and other reasons, to be expedient for the mass, especially the orderly and well informed, State Society, to form, at this time, a new settle-will not, it is believed, venture upon so rash a step. ment on the coast of Africa; and whereas, it has It would be suicidal to their prospects, as citizens been represented to the Society, that Cape Palmas and its neighbourhood, offer commercial and of that country: and many would be driven out, at agricultural facilities of the most important the point of the bayonet, as they were at the time character, so as to make a settlement there de- of Edwards' rebellion, a few years since. The sirable in every point of view; and whereas, it is inhabitants of Texas are much more numerous, believed that a settlement thus formed, by a society whose avowed object is the ultimate extir. now, than they were then; but it would be madpation of slavery, by proper and gradual efforts, ness itself to fancy themselves strong enough to addressed to the understandings and experience resist, successfully, the power of the nation.-of the people of the State, would be viewed with Should they adopt a liberal form of government, peculiar interest by all those who advocated colonization on account of the tendencies towards liberty, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing and would receive that aid from them which would with the other States, they would, doubtless, reap ensure its prosperity and happiness; and whereas, advantages from it; and, probably, they may do the Society believe, that it is proper to use every means in their power to raise Maryland to the so, ere long. rank of a free State of this Union, not only on account of the immediate benefit to herself, but for the sake of the illustration which she would then furnish of the effect of colonization in removing slavery,
Therefore, be it resolved, That this Society will forthwith establish a settlement at a suitable point on the coast of Africa, and will take immediate measures to procure, both within and without the State, the necessary pecuniary aid.
Resolved, That the committee heretofore appointed on the subject of a new settlement, be directed to report to the Board, upon the position and the details of the proposed settlement, together with the probable cost of the same.
Resolved, That the managers of the State fund be solicited to lend their aid, in such manner as they may think proper, in this behalf."
THE TEXAS COUNTRY.
We learn that the people of that part of the state of Coahuila and Texas, which is denominated the Texas Country, have resolved to establish a separate state government, provided they can obtain he consent of the Mexican Congress. They have ecently met in convention, and framed a constitution; and commissioners have been despatched to the seat of the general government, in order to lay it before the national legislature. This instrument has been published in some of the papers of this country; but we deem it unnecessary to notice it, at length, until we learn whether it is likely to be accepted by the Congress, or not. It differs essentially from the one now in force; and we consider it doubtful whether the general government will allow it to go into operation, withIt considerable amendment. Before it can be adopted, fully, it must receive the sanction of three fourths of the members of Congress, and the same proportion of the Legislatures of the several states already organized. Some of the caterers for our newspapers have suggested the idea that the Texas people will insist upon a separate state government, whether the Congress consents or not. A few of the colonists might be thus fool-hardy,
By late accounts from Mexico, received at New York, it appears that, since the troops have been withdrawn from the various forts, in the Texas country, an extensive business has been carried on in smuggling of contraband goods, &c. Even slaves from Africa, via Cuba, have found a market there; in one instance at least. At the close of the convention, above mentioned, strong resolutions were adopted by that body, censuring without reserve the admission of a vessel, with slaves, at the port of Galveston.
It is stated that the Mexican government has resolved to put an immediate stop to these abuses, by sending a large military force to expel those who are known to practice them. Much consternation is said to exist in Austin's colony, and the settlements contiguous, on account of this proceeding. Many of the colonists are suspected of hav ing a hand in the illegal practices, before named; and if it be proven against them, their expulsion will be a matter of course. We waive all speculation upon this subject, however, until we receive further information in relation to it.
Before closing this article, we think it proper to state, that very little reliance can be safely placed in the majority of the editorial and communicated paragraphs, which appear in the papers of this country, concerning the actual state of things in Texas. An article, now before us, taken from an Alabama journal, represents that section of country as a province of Mexico:whereas, it is well known that it is united to another portion of the territory of the republic, and organized as a State, under the name of "Coahuila and Texas ;" and that it is placed upon a footing with the other independent States of the Mexican confederacy. The number of the settlers, their power, &c. is also believed to be greatly exaggerated.
The following communication was originally designed for “Poulson's American Daily Adver
Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.
tiser," but was never sent to that paper. It is from the same pen as No. ONE, which we republished
For Poulson's Daily Advertiser. CONVENTION OF COLORED PEOPLE-No. 2. Mr. Poulson,―The editor of the "Daily Intelligencer" of the 29th ult. has again hoisted the above sign over a long editorial article, without making any direct reference to the acts of said convention. He has probably used it with the intention to perpetuate the name or else exhibit to his readers that his subject was confined to the rights and interests of the people of colour.
In a former communication, under this head, he indulged in severe vituperations against said convention, to which I replied through the medium of your paper, although he has not been inclined to notice it. I rejoice that it produced a happy effect on his passions, or at least, he has learned that facts are stubborn things, over which calumny and imagination have no control. Driven from his first expedient, he has sought shelter under a broader standard,-prejudice; one with which, no doubt, his education and associations have rendered him more familiar. Those prejudices which he has exhibited, commonly beget fear. He seems determined to hunt down the banner of our liberty, and to add strength to the chains of despotism. Hence his denunciations against the abolition of slavery. "To draw evil from good, is the peculiar attribute of the arch enemy of mankind, and finds the evidence of corruption in the exercise of the highest beneficence."* It is the purpose of tyrants to shield themselves with the panoply of expedience when justice and right has forsaken their cause. The unmerited abuse that is now heaped on the philanthropists of our country, is as wicked as it is unjust. They are charged with inculcating doctrines that lead to civil war and bloodshed, for the purpose of disturbing the political relations of our country: and to carry out the picture still further, they cry, the civil institutions, constitutions, will be broken down, and the Union en
dangered. From this charge they ought to be redeemed by the express voice of the people of colour themselves. It would be as inconsistent with the principles of sound philosophy to assert that we possess neither body, soul, nor the necessary organic powers that complete the human structure, as to suppose that we do not possess an ardent love for liberty. A love for liberty is passive in its nature, until the spirit of aggression first provokes it to action. A few intemperate denunciations against ourselves and friends, will bring forth its latent power, sooner than the exertions of abolitionists for years. If the time ever should arrive, that those horrors, which alarmists depict should take place, which God grant they never may, the deeds that may be done, will never be chargeable to abolitionists-but to those who uphold the iron arm of oppression, that forges fetters for the slave. Much as we are indebted to
abolitionists for the amelioration of our moral condition, yet the spirit by which we enjoy our rights and privileges, is an inherent property of our nature, which they can neither give nor remove. If the bountiful will of an all wise Providence should call them to himself, the same spirit would exist which their kind measures now can only guide
*Hon. J. Q. Adams' Report of the minority on Manufactures in 1833.
and control, in such manner as is consistent with justice and mercy. They who suppose other than this, are certainly ignorant of the nature of man, or the history of an oppressed people. Those that suppose that either the persecution or destruction of our friends, will check that proud spirit for freedom,-deal in impossibilities. When they can bend the rainbow and shut the light of heaven from our view, then, and only then can they place bounds to the expansion of the negro's mind. They may for a time suppress it, but it will eventually burst forth from its mouldering ruins, with the violence and power of an earthquake from the voice of God. The very elements are pregnant with the voice of liberty, and our atmospheric inhalations fire its virtues. The distant thunders which rolled over Europe with the flash of its lightnings, smote the African slave trade, at a single blow, and the reverberation of its spirit fired the philanthropists of this country with the same holy zeal, until the one mighty work was performed, and as it were by magic art, the voice
of two great nations cursed the horrid traffic in a single day. The same powerful besom that swept from the shores of Europe the dreadful pollution of that inhuman traffic, has been engaged ever since in drenching her internal institutions of that poisoned her atmosphere; and rendered her susimmoral filth, by which the slough of ages had ceptible of renovation, only by the influence of an ardent love for liberty, borne on by the irresistable current of time. Philanthropy, wafted in the healthful breeze of humanity, justice and religion, will still go on "conquering and to conquer." This same genius has given to the catholic a jubilce-to the French, a Louis Phillippe; to the working classes and boroughmongers of England, a reform; is now arousing the lethargic spell of Ireland, and is wielding that powerful lever of public opinion, both in England and France, with the same elementary power that smote the African slave trade, and swept it from either shore, and institutions that support and protect domestic and will again shortly burst itself on the altars slavery, and crush them to pieces, and the descendents of Africa, no matter whether his lot be cast land, or their colonies, will, in the language of on the soil of France or the genial climate of EngCurran, "again walk abroad in the majesty o their strength, redeemed, regenerated and disinthralled by the irresistable genius of universal emancipation." And as it were by a proverbial coincidence, the winds of heaven have brought across the Atlantic to our shores the same glorious spirit which is now shaking Europe to its centre,
and has caused to be planted in the city of Boston, a city far famed for being "the cradle of liberty" to the American people, an institution which tions in the cause of human liberty, to light up a proposes, by its holy banner and untiring exerin these United States, which, although its yet zeal against the unjust system of domestic slavery feeble voice is only heard in the east, its gathering influence and glorious power, will associate
the scattered mass of virtue in its train, and its healthful efficacy will peacefully continue to roll on to the south and west, lightening its path with this, otherwise, American Eden, that curse of the the blessings of civilization, and removing from soil, and its immoral effects shall be buried in the bosom of the distant waters, when it can only be traced by the pen of the historian, and the recollection, that it once existed shall serve only as a
Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.
liant sticklers for the Union clothe their argu ments in favour of expediency.
landmark to guide future generations to that glorious motto, "the paths of righteousness are paths of peace." It is this institution that not The slaves never forged their own chains; nor only promises "the greatest good to the greatest does the existence of slavery depend on the exnumber," but the greatest good to all, that has istence of the Union. The time will come when elicited from the editor such intemperate declama- the slave must be free. I am at a loss to know tion. The New England Anti-Slavery Society on what grounds they have a right to hope that needs no defence from me; as my feeble efforts slavery can much longer be perpetuated. Every are but as grass before the scythe. But I trust argument in favour of it appears to want, like the the time will come, and that at no distant day, || fulcrum of Archimedes, a place to rest it on. If when some man of colour, possessing an ardent they base it on the immoral and barbarous state devotion for liberty, a cultivated mind, a clear in- | of society that framed those institutions, the tellect, the nerve of whose pen will be guarded by improvement in public sentiment, and the adpatriotism, will rise up in the plenitude of his vancement of civilization, inforins us that the =might, and not only defend the object and char- cause has almost ceased to exist. The clanking acter of our friends, but will throw himself in the chains that now bind upwards of two millions of breach, and contend with our adversaries. The our countrymen, are made of the same materials intellectual growth of our people indicates that that have fettered the rights of man in all ages, such a desirable acquisition to our strength, char- and are certainly capable of being dissolved by acter, and respectability, is near at hand. the same process.
If there be any truth in the moral reformation that is now traversing our globe from sea to sea, it would be risking little to assert that the subject of anti-slavery is undergoing a fiery ordeal at the present moment.
The writer we are noticing, when about to draw the horrid picture of a liberated slave,-for|| such a being seems to him quite an anomaly, traversing the world free from the chains of despotism, indulges in the following strain on its effeet on the Union :-" Of immediate abolition, or even of a continued and extensive attempt to ef. fect it, the necessary and inevitable consequence must be a dissolution of the Union: ****** a union necessary to our national independence and national glory!-a union cemented by the blood, and hallowed by the glory of our fathers-punishments-we can look with horror on the on the prosecution of an unauthorised chimerical and perilous scheme of interference with the domestic concerns of our sister States."
We can rejoice that the superstition of the last century is vanishing-we can lament at cruelties committed at Salem, by the persecution of witchcraft-we can mourn over the destruction of mankind by the barbarities of war-we can regret that capital crimes are rewarded with capital
cruelties of the whipping post-we can desire that the imprisonment for debt shall no longer remain a blot on our statute book-we can sigh over the millions that have been destroyed by intemperance, and yet, is there no faculty in our minds to examine the "negro's" rights, or in our hearts to feel his wrongs? Is it possible there is so much national refinement without any na. tional pity? Can this nation be much longer so inconsistent? Can she much longer read on her eagle the golden motto of "Virtue, Liberty and Independence," and carry the lamp of civilization in one hand, and the torch of persecution in the other? I say, can she with all that refinement of feeling-with all her republican pride, suffer the remnant of a nation (which, if persecution, and all those evils that attend involuntary slavery, could have availed ought against the will of an all-wise Providence, they would have long since become extinct) to suffer those degrading tortures over which humanity shudders, and christianity weeps? Is it much longer to be expected that ministers of the everlasting gospel will be permit ted to preach from the "holy scriptures," and enforce from the sacred desk, a justification of the system of slavery? Will not that powerful army of Sabbath school scholars diffused over our country, rise up and reject it? In short, will not all that inoral and christian refinement of which our
It seems as if in framing such an article, he sat for the picture which was drawn in reference to another subject, by a distinguished statesman,* a member of congress from that section of country which so much excites his commiseration. It is true that our adversaries and coadjutors amongst us, have managed to conjure up the most horrible phantoms of disunion, civil war and bloodshed. That is the stale artifice of tyrants. In all ages of the world, tyranny has endeavoured to entrench itself behind some sacred barrier, or screen itself behind some sacred emblem. A Roman Emperor, when surrounded by the seditious clamor of an indignant people, rushing forward to drag the monster from his polluted throne, could calm the storm of the multitude by hanging out the imperial eagle. A Turkish Sultan, besieged in his palace, and in imminent danger of having his reign terminated by the bow string, has only to exhibit the holy banner of the Crescent, and the infuriated Janisaries bow down and worship it. In like manner, the most monstrous and intolerable of all tyrannies, an interested and mercenary majority, like the veiled prophet of Khorasin, seeks to conceal its horrible deformity by interposing the sacred banner of the Union. Those who dare not openly vindicate tyranny and justify oppres-country so much abounds, teach man to perform sion, exclaim in the most patriotic agonies, the his duty to his neighbour and to his God? Union! the Union!--the Union is in danger! Even The length of my article forbids me to trespass if this were true,--if the Union were in ten times further. I shall follow him through, and if I leave the peril that really exists,-I would emphati-him a place to rest his foot upon, either expediencally ask, upon whom rests the responsibility of bringing it into jeopardy?"
The above quotation is from a source too respectable to be overlooked, and powerfully develops the hypocritical cant by which these va
* Hon. George M'Duffie's Speech at Charleston, May 19th, 1831.
cy, right, or justice, in the support of slavery, it will be because my humble abilities will not allow me to do justice to the subject.
A MEMBER OF THE CONVENTION.
The following letter from the proprietor of this paper, who is now from home, was received and
Fiat Justitia Ruat Celum.
A vote of thanks to B. Lundy for his communi-
To the Annual Convention of the Free People of
read in the Convention of colored people lately poetic fancy;--but they appeared as wandering without held in Philadelphia, to whom it was addressed.planets, gliding through illimitable space, even a satellite to bear them company:) now, we see among them agriculturists, mechanics, artisans, and merchants. They have their schools, academies, colleges, churches, national conventions, and printing establishments. They have their teachers, professors, and doctors of physic, law, and divinity. They have their orators, statesmen, generals, financiers, diplomatists at foreign courts. They have their armies and navies, with one regularly organized, free, national government, possessing all the et cetera of respectability, independence, and power. On that very spot, in the western hemisphere, where the fiends of slavite atrocity first erected their horrid ensign, red and dripping with the blood and tears of murdered Africans; yes, on that same spot has retributive justice first deprived the oppressor of his usurped authority, and raised up a vigorous and enlightened republic, composed of the victims of their avarice and crimes,which sets the powers of the earth at defiance, and has fully and fairly acquired the meed of national renown.
A new era has opened upon the world! The "dark age" of African oppression is drawing to its close; and the happy "millenium" of African redemption is near at hand! Let the inhabitants of that ill-fated continent rejoice, and her children, wherever scattered, sing praises to the Most High, on the "banks of deli:erance."
Every one, capable of judging from the "signs of the times," must be fully convinced that a wonderful change in the condition of the African race will soon be effected-nay, indeed, a great and important change is already visible.
Fifty years ago, the slave trade, between Africa and America, was openly tolerated-with all its horrors-by every nation in what was called Christendom:-now, every government, whose people profess the Christian name, has denounced it, with the severest penalties.
Fifty years ago, nearly every state, province, and colony, on this continent, and the adjacent isles, protected and upheld the system of slavery, by legal enactments and military force:-now, ten or more independent governments, and nine minor states, have abolished the cruel institution within their limits, where vast numbers had been subjected to the vilest enthrallment; and three more states, at least, and numerous colonial establishments, are nearly prepared to follow the glorious example. Every part of the American continent, north and south, except about one-fifth of the area of the United States, and the empire of Brazil, may be considered nearly free from the horrible pollution; and every island of the great West Indian Archipelago, with the single exception of Cuba, is upon the eve of a complete regeneration,
Fifty years ago, the number of Africans and their descendants, who merely enjoyed personal liberty, within those almost boundless regions, were, comparatively, few:---now, they may be safely enumerated at 4,350,000-about 3,100,000 of whom are invested with every civil and political privilege, and placed upon a footing of perfect equality with all other persons, of whatever nation or color. And we may rationally indulge the cheering hope that, in less than two years from the present date, nearly a million will be added to the number above mentioned, independent of the natural increase.
Wonderful, indeed, let me repeat, has been the change within a period of fifty years! Who, then, can predict the state of things, fifty years hence? While this grand reformation was progressing, its active, avowed advocates were, visibly, few in number, until within a short space of time. But now they are flocking in scores around the sacred standard, which a "spartan band" of moral heroes kept floating in the breeze, on the citadel of philanthropy. Hundreds,-nay, thousands,-are enlisting in the good cause; and the great contest between the principles of despotism and universal emancipation is becoming more and more interesting and important.
We are, therefore, fully sustained in the opinion, that the "signs of the times" are extremely auspicious, and that the brightening prospect before us is a happy presage of the speedy downfall of that unparalleled system of injustice, oppression, cruelty, and iniquity, which has, for centuries, whitened the plains of Africa with the bones of her murdered inhabitants; crimsoned the wide ocean with their blood; and fertalized the soil of America with the tears of their stolen and enslaved children.
It is at this interesting period, and with thes encouraging views and prospects, that the intelli. gent and enlightened members of your body assemble to deliberate, and devise plans for future operation and general improvement. May every one be fully impressed with the high importance of the occasion, and the sacredness of the trust committed to his hands. I should rejoice to be with you, to witness your proceedings, and to participate in the pleasure arising from the exercise, by my colored brethren, of this most important prerogative. In fine, within the space of fifty years past, we But as I shall necessarily be at too great a dismight look in vain, among the descendants of Aftance from you, at the proper time, I must forego ricans in the western world, to ascertain who || the gratification which it would afford me. were distinguished for learning or superior intelligence. Every avenue to posts of honor and 'emolument being closed against them, and even the pleasures of social life, in circles of intelligence and refinement, being denied them, there was nothing to dispel the rayless gloom within their bosoms, and to stir up a virtuous ambition or noble || emulation there. (True, a Banniker had explored the regions of astronomical science; and a Phillis Wheatly ranged, discursively, the ærial fields of
mit me, however, to observe, that the eyes of your enemies-even the eyes of the nation, are upon you. I entreat you, therefore, to measure well your steps, and let no unguarded movement, or hasty expressions of feeling, either mar the harmony of your proceedings or furnish your opponents with arguments prejudicial to your high and deserved reputation. I would not be intrusive, either with impertinent advice or unnecessary caution; but as I have long taken a deep inter
Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.
est in the welfare and happiness of our colored friends, who have been made the victims of prejudice and oppression, I trust that my motives will be properly appreciated, in making these remarks.
culated to open the eyes of the people generally to the enormity and guilt of the system of slavery; to the promulgation of every fact and argument, at hand, in proof of the necessity and feasibility of a change; to the extension of knowledge, by Before concluding this communication, I wish the aid of practical experiments, in the sugar and to ask your attention, for a moment, to a subject cotton districts, (which have fully succeeded where of which previous meetings of the convention have grain, tobacco, &c. are produced) in demonstrataken cognizance, viz. that of providing or recom-ting the safety and innumerable advantages of mending suitable asylums, on this continent, for the oppressed and persecuted people of color, where, if they choose to emigrate, they may immediately enjoy equal rights and privileges with all others, until prejudice and the tyranny of custom and law shall be relaxed, modified, or extinguished in these states.
This is a subject which begins to assume a high degree of importance. The increasing disposition among individual slaveholders to emancipate, who are yet so blinded by the corrupting doctrines and influence of slavery that they think it cannot be done with safety here; the despotical proceedings of the advocates of oppression, in attempting to force the emancipated to distant foreign shores, from whence they may scarcely ever have it in their power to revisit the kindred connexions which they must necessarily leave behind them, even if they should survive the "seasoning" of what would be to them a " pestilential climate;" the rising spirit of enterprise, consequent upon the growing intelligence of the colored population, of every class, which ardently seeks occasion and means for further developement: the importance of making practical experiments, to show the advantages of free labor, in producing sugar, cotton, and rice, in our southern country, instead of that of slaves; these considerations, with many others which I need not detail to you, place the question before us in a prominent light, and render it worthy of notice.
It is probably known to the most of you, that I have visited both Upper Canada and a part of the Texas country in the republic of Mexico, with the view of ascertaining the propriety and practicability of forming settlements in those sections of North America, for the purposes above mentioned. But lest the motives, by which I have been governed, may be misapprehended by the members of your enlightened body, as well as some of the rest of my colored friends, I beg leave here to state, explicitly though briefly, the views and sentiments which I have ever entertained in relation to measures of this nature, with some others that have been recommended.
In the first place, my primary object, during || the fifteen years that I have publicly, though humbly, labored in the cause of African emancipation, has been, and still is, the TOTAL AND UNCONDITIONAL ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, by the best means which the individual and collective wisdom of the nation can point out. Secondly, I desire to aid in meliorating the condition of the oppressed and persecuted, as far as possible, when those holding the reins of usurped authority are too strong and too corrupt to yield immediately to the demands of justice. And, thirdly, my ultimate aim and intention has constantly been, to contribute every means in my power to elevate the American man of color to perfect equality of privilege (moral, political, and religious) with the whites, in the land of his birth, wherever it be. Hence,—
My efforts have been directed:-To the encouragement of every measure that appeared cal
emancipation; to the preparation of the slaves for the rational exercise and enjoyment of freedom, individually or collectively; and to the various means by which they may rise to distinction and pre-eminence, amidst the gloom of prejudice, the tyranny of odious laws, and the soul-chilling influence of popular abasement. I hold that the difference in color makes no difference in the physical or intellectual capacities of men. I hold that no man has a moral right to exercise authority over another, as a slave, for a single moment. I hold that slavery must and will be abolished, throughout America, before the lapse of many years. I hold that pacific measures, alone, will effect it justly and speedily. I hold that the spot on which a man is born is his rightful home, while he chooses it for his residence-that Deity placed him there--and there he must be free. I believe that the unnatural prejudice against color is wa ning before the light of moral truth and christian principle. I believe that numerous causes are combining, and in operation, which must elevate the man of color, ere long, to the rank and scale in being assigned him by the great Author of nature, wherever he may be located. I believe that few of the colored inhabitants of this country comparatively speaking, will ever be removed to a distant land. I believe that their efforts to encourage education, and by various means to evince their talent and capacity for business, moral improvement, scientific and literary acquirements, &c. are more important and efficacious, by a thousand fold, in extinguishing prejudice, than all the schemes of foreign operations that were ever devised. Yet, notwithstanding I have ever entertained these sentiments,--
I know that some of the suffering victims of oppression are extremely desirous of a change of location, and might obtain their civil and political rights immediately, on condition of removing to places beyond the limits of this government:and, to act the part of a christian philanthropist, I feel myself bound to assist them therein, when it may be in my power,-as I should wish similar assistance from them, under a change of circumstances. I am not of the opinion that the little (comparatively speaking) that can be done in this way, will retard the work of emancipation, &c. at home,-provided, they shall not locate themselves at too great a distance. In fact they would not be considered as leaving the country. They would still be, as it were, among us. But the stimulus it would give to their enterprise and good conduct, would present us with incontrovertible evidence of their capability for improvement and self-government, which could not fail further to demonstrate, beyond the power of cavil or doubt, the feasibility of general emancipation at home, consistently with the safety and interest of all parties concerned. It would not divert the attention of philanthropists from other necessary mea sures; for no dependance would be placed on that alone. But it might, at length, open the door (now effectually closed by prejudice and false doctrines)