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Fiat Justitia Ruat Coelum.

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be produced without some time and labor, be the quantity what it may. Allowing the labor of a slave for six or twelve years to produce all the various slave grown products which you may use during the course of your life, would not he who was so occupied be in effect your slave, during the time he was thus employed? Do you not receive as much benefit from his oppression as the individual who is his nominal owner, but in fact, for that length of time, only your agent? Nor will the circumstances of this portion of labor, being divided among many persons, create any difference. You must excuse me for considering that for the time that is necessary to produce the articles you consume, you are a slave-holder; or that you are doing worse, by paying another for the commission of a crime which you would not dare to commit yourself!"

"How, then, dear Maria, can you wonder that I should refuse to assist in creating them. It is indeed very painful to think upon the vast amount of suffering produced by slavery, but not half so painful, cousin, as to assist in producing it. Do not imagine that I think I deserve credit for my abstinence from slave luxuries, or what I suppose you would call necessary articles. I claim noneto partake of them would be to me far the greater punishment. There are times when I almost shudder at the thought, and when I feel as if I could almost as easily endure the taste of human blood, as of the sweetness of the slave-grown cane! It is wonderful to me how any female, who has even a par-ledge that I have taken my last cup of tial knowledge of the horrors of slavery, can be willing to support such a system, or can receive the least enjoyment from the indulgence in comforts and luxuries which are purchased by the sacrifice of so many lives. We shudder to think of the immolation of human beings by savage nations, at the altars of their gods; but when our own gratification is in question, we become careless of the poured out blood of thousands!"

"Now you are severe, Helen! Do you think I would continue to use slave produce, especially when I could avoid doing so by any means, if I thought all I made use of would occasion the loss of life to any human being?"

"Yet you must acknowledge, Maria, for I believe you are aware of the fact, that, even excluding those who have sunk under the pressure of long continued toil and hardships, the number of the miserable beings who have been deprived of their lives by actual violence is immense. And the cause of slavery, and all its attendant ills, can only be found in the profits of its extorted labor.”

"But, cousin, all the slave produce I should use in the whole course of my life would make no difference in the number of slaves. Abstinence would only punish myself, without any benefit to those you compassionate."

"The articles you make use of cannot

"You speak very plainly, Helen; but I wil: not be offended, for I know you feel strongly-nay, I will even acknow

tea without sugar, and that it was not so very disagreeable. But I will talk no more upon the subject now, only to say that if I was fairly convinced you were right, I believe I would give up the use at least of slave sugar.'

AGNES.

For the Genius of Universal Emancipation.
THE SUMMER SKIES.

These summer skies, these summer skies!
They mind me of the happy eves
When we have watched yon moon arise,
Behind the pear-tree's screen of leaves.

The earth grew glad beneath her light,

But our own hearts were lighter still,
As, 'midst the hush of coming night,
We slowly climbed the tree-crowned hill.
But now, as on yon moon I gaze,

I turn my thoughts from thee away,
To think how bright her radiance plays
O'er hearts that weep beneath her ray.
The mother, on the vacant couch

Where yester-eve her infants lay,
While phantoms now but mock her touch,
And those she loves are far away!

The daughter weeping for her sire,

Forever from his household torn,
The wife, whose anguish tyrant ire

Hath still'd with stripes, to sighs forlorn.

Such saddened ideas sometimes wile,
Annette! my thoughts from even thee;
Yet still it wakes a latent smile

To think upon our days of glee.

GERTRUDE.

OF THE

GENIUS OF UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION.
VOLUME XIII.

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Eleven years have transpired since this work gated in the public arena of controversy-ever took its station among the periodicals of the in the southern halls of polemics and legislation. day and we enter upon the twelfth with re- The champions of rational Universal Liberty newed hopes and cheering prospects. To a have unfurled her glorious pacific banner there. casual or superficial observer, the " signs of the Thousands are flocking to the sacred standard, times" exhibit nothing of momentous importas enlisted volunteers, and tens of thousands are nothing very propitious to our cause. But gazing upon it with rapture. the discerning and the reflecting, on comparing the past with the present state of things, will find much to encourage its advocates, and even to stimulate them with high anticipations, in their onward career. (6 The cloud of thick darkness," which lately extended from the zenith to the southern horizon, in a deep, continuous, and apparently impervious gloom, has been so far dispelled as to admit the broad scintillations of ethereal light. The electrical vapors occasionally clash in their hurried movements; but the radiations of truth's bright orb frequently gleam amid their gatherings and vanishings.

The present is not, therefore, a time to relax our efforts for the regeneration of our moral and political system: neither are we disposed to relinquish the ground we have taken, as humble advocates of the reformation so urgently called for by every humane principle, and by every consideration of justice, propriety, and safety. We shall still pursue, with undiminished ardor, the grand object we have constantly had in view; and we shall not be diverted from the straight forward course, that appears most likely to lead to its attainment.

Thus pledged to the cause of humanity and philanthropy, we hope the Genius of Universal Emancipation will still find favor in the eyes of an intelligent community; and the advocates of that cause are generally and respectfully solicited to lend their assistance in extending its B. LUNDY.

The labors of philanthropists have accomplished much, within a few years, well calculated to promote the cause of African emancipation. The doctrine which sanctions the diabolical system of slavery has been boldly interro- | circulation,

Terms of Subscription.

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Ány person, remitting Five Dollars to the Editor, in current money of the United States, will be entitled to Six Copies, for one year.

All letters, communications, papers, &c., intended for this Office, must be addressed, as usual, to BENJAMIN LUNDY, Washington, D. C.—and forwarded free of expence.

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EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY BENJAMIN LUNDY, WASHINGTON, D.C. AT $1 PER ANNUM. "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the parsuit of happinss."-Declaration of Independence. No. 2. VOL. III. THIRD SERIES.] DECEMBER, 1832. [WHOLE NUMBER 278. VOL. XIII.

PETITIONING CONGRESS.

We have received returns of the following Memorial, with good lists of names, from Kentucky and Tennessee. The phraseology was merely altered to suit the different places, where it was signed. Three or four hundred Rames are also attached to it in the District of Columbia; and it is now circulating for further signatures. It will soon be presented to Congress. This subject must not, shall not sleep. Let our friends, every where, attend to it.To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled. The Memorial of the undersigned, citizens of the District of Columbia, respectfully shewéth:

That your memorialists, in common with a large portion of the people of this Union, view the existence of slavery as one of the greatest evils that afflict our country; but more especially, do we consider its continuance in this District, under the immediate jurisdiction of the General Government, as inconsistent with those principles of republicanism, set forth in the excellent constitution which we have adopted as the Magna Charta of our civil rights and privileges

Comparing those sections of our country in which slavery is tolerated, with those where it is not permitted to exist, we are strongly impressed with the belief that, both in a pecuniary and moral point of view, the advancement of our future prosperity measurably depends on the abolition of that system. This is not a mere hypothesis, founded on an imaginary basis; but we have the light of experience, derived from the practical operation of known causes, to guide us in forming this conclusion.

We deem it unnecessary to adduce facts or arguments, at this time, to prove the correctness of the opinion here advanced; for we think it must, in general, be obvious to reflecting minds: And we believe it will be perfectly practicable to eradicate the growing evil of slavery within this District, at no very distant period, in a manner consistent with the safety and welfare of all concerned.

Trust

Your memorialists, therefore, suggest to your Honorable body the propriety of adopting measures, at as early a day as may be convenient, for the accomplishment of this object. ing to your wisdom, for devising an efficient plan of proceeding, we shall not presume, at present, to point out a detailed system of operations. We beg leave, however, to premise, that it would be proper to prohibit the traffic in slaves, and to name a period, after which all children, born in the District of Columbia, shall be free, at a suitable age.

Your Memorialists conclude, in the hope that your honorable body may duly consider the importance of the subject here presented to your view, and be enabled, through the favor of Divine Providence, to provide a safe and effect

tual remedy for the evil to which we have alluded.

And your Memorialalists, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

We had intended, the first moment that leisure would permit, to ask the attention of this gentleman to some further questions relative to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. We believed that his conduct, upon a late occasion, justly merited reprehension; and however exalted his political character might be, in the public estimation, he should not be spared on that account. The writer of this had an interview with him while the Pennsylvania Memorials were in his possession; and he then made no objection to their presentation to Congress. We were, therefore, astonished at his remarks in the House of Representatives. Since that period we find that he has, in an interview with Evan Lewis, of Philadelphia, given some explanation of the views he entertained, to the benefit of which he is fully entitled. Yet, what must we say to the solidity of his argument, when the fact is stated,

THAT A PETITION TO THE SAME PURPORT HAD, A SHORT TIME PREVIOUSLY, BEEN PRESENTED TO CONGRESS, FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, SIGNED BY MORE THAN ONE THOUSAND OF ITS INHABITANTS!

We forbear to make further comment now,→ as another Memorial will shortly be presented to the National Legislature, from this District; and we shall then see what course the Honor

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able gentleman will think proper to pursue. We do not consider any other subject, lately brought before Congress, more important" than that of the abolition of slavery. There is no fanatacism" in this opinion.

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The following are the remarks of Evan Lewis, upon the subject before us, as published in the "Friend or Advocate of Truth," soon after his interview with J. Q. Adams, as above mentioned. It appears that he was, himself, somewhat in the dark, relative to our proceedings; and it is to be hoped that he will pay further attention thereto.

"In our first number we made some remarks on the conduct of John Q. Adams, in relation to the memorials presented by him in the House of Representatives, for the abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia. Since that time, we have had an opportunity of conversing with

Fiat Justitia Ruat Coelum.

him on the subject, and hearing his own expla-bia, signed by more than 400 citizens of that nation of the remarks made by him in the State. How many might have been induced House, on presenting these memorials.—After to sign it, if they had generally understood expressing disapprobation of his conduct on that occasion, justice requires that we should give that we had petitioned for the same purpose his explanation. He expressed, very explicit- ourselves!ly, his abhorence of slavery, and his willingness to use all his talents and influence for its abolition, whenever he conceived he had a right to do so. But he did not think he had a right to legislate for the district, on any subject, at the suggestion of the citizens of Pennsylvania, or any other state.

The concerns of the district interested only the inhabitants of the district. And whenever they petitioned for the abolition of slavery, he would go as far to accomplish their wishes as any man in the House.

* * *

If

"Some object to it, [signing the petition,] because they say they have no right to meddle with the affairs of the District. the memorial had called upon the people of the United States to assist them [the people of the District] in petitioning Congress to liberate their slaves, they would have subscribed, almost to a man. The people of the United States seem to be so ignorant of the evils of slavery, that many of them care but little about it. They have not the necessary means of imformation upon the subject."

*

erto have done, although we cannot go as far as we could wish, at this time.

The best account that we have seen in print, relative to the commencement of the revolu tion, is contained in a letter received at the Departinent of State, some months since, and was The wri published in the Washington Globe, ter says:

Besides, he did not wish to have a subject, calculated to produce so much excitement and angry debate, as that of slavery, discussed at a POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN MEXICO. time when so many great and important quesWe have neither leisure nor room, at present, tions of national policy would require the attention of Congress. Such a discussion would, || to enter upon a general review of the political in his opinion, unfit the members for proceed- controversy which now agitates the Mexican ing dispassionately with the important business of the session, and could not, possibly, at this Republic; nor yet to dwell on the probable future prospects of that very interesting country, time, result in the attainment of the object desired. One fact which he related is worthy of The causes of the present revolution in the govbeing recorded. His son married a woman in ernment, have been briefly assigned in previous the district who held slaves. He consented to the marriage only on condition that they should numbers of this work: yet it may be advisaall be made free, and they were freed accord-ble to enter a little more in detail, than we hithingly, She does not now hold a slave. From observations made, and information received while at Washington last winter, we are inclined to believe that Adams' views respecting the right of interference in the affairs of the district, are in accordance with the opinions of the citizens of the district generally, as well as many influential members of Congress. The inhabitants of the district have it in their power to procure the abolition of slavery; but it is doubtful whether it can be accomplished at all "The disturbance appears to be nearly without them," Further to show the importance of petition-general, and to have been excited by the ing Congress, from this District, it may not be apathy of the central government with ́amiss to state, that our friends, in every part of regard to a most flagrant outrage comthe country, reason very much as the Hon, J. mitted by Inclan, the military commandant of Guadalajara, The facts, as re. Q. Adams does. Like him they have either not been informed, or not been induced to reflect,lated, are simply these: Bishops are be upon what we have done in this way. Our "sovereigns," and their delegates, are blinded by apathy, or the popularity-hunting mania. They will open their eyes, if we beset them steadily; and they will do us justice, when they perceive we have roused the popular feeling, and they hear the popular voice in our favor. It is astonishing to witness the ignorance that prevails throughout the land, relative to his subject, Tens of thousands believe that we

coming almost as unpopular in Mexico as they are in England, but General Inclan is a staunch adherent to their cause; so when the revered head of the dioces

of Guadalajara made his entry into that city, the military were called out and other unusual honors were paid him, which produced some remarks in the official journal of the next day. The General instantly ordered the editor, Brambila, to be seized by a file of soldiers and execut vote for representatives in Congress!—and huned within three hours. The permanent dreds of thousands more suppose we have the same influence, over our law-makers, that is exercised by those who elect them!!

The following paragraph is extracted from a letter, lately received from a geatleman in Kentucky, who has forwarded a petition for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum

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commission of the State Legislature in. terposed; Inclan replied, that he was answerable for his acts to the central gov ernment alone; the commission then is sued a decree by which they declared Petitioning Congress, from the District, would be the same thing.- -G. V. E.

Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.

themselves in bodily fear, and suspended manded, so as to leave absolute liberty of their session until the 4th of December, conscience to all;† and an entire aboliwhen it was to be continued at Lagos, a tion of the monastie orders is strong, eity distant one hundred miles. Inclan ly recommended, and ably supported, in considered that they had no right to re- the public prints. The bishops wish onmove, and laid an embargo on the Treas-ly to reform these latter institutions, ury; but finding that the whole city of and may be readily supposed to be un, 70,000 inhabitants, was in commotion, favorable to any act of toleration," he thought proper to pardon the Editor, The foregoing statement is in strict accord as he says, at the intercession principalance with the information obtained by the wrily of his worthy friend the Bishop. Much excitement was created where-ter of this article, while in the republic of Mexi, ever the facts were made known; the co, a short time since. The revolution has proLegislature of the State in which they gressed upon the principle here recognized ; and occurred, and of the adjoining State of it is believed that, let the issue of the contest Zacatecas,* sent memorials to the fede-be as it may-whether one of the parties shall ral government, praying for the punish- triumph, or a compromise take place the cause ment of the General; but no attention of religious liberty and moral improvement was paid to them, and the outrage was ex-will, in the end, be sustained,

cused, if not defended in the ministerial Subsequently to the period of the events above prints of the Capital, Recourse was had narrated, a notice was published at Jalapa, conto arms, and insurrections took place intaining the five articles of agreement, entered every quarter. A meeting of the citi- into on the 11th day of September last, at the zens and officers of the garrison of Veracity of Los Bravos, between Gen. Bravo and Cruz took place on the night of the 2d others associated with him, and Col. Juan Alvainst. and resolutions were passed, therez, commander of the forces of Acapulco and substance of which is, that the present the coast of Tecpam. These articles were signministry should be removed, as being op-ed with the view of preventing further commoposed to the independence of the State, and as guilty of abetting the late attack upon the liberty of an individual; and that the 4th article of the Plan of Jalapa should be sustained, to the fullest extent; this article provides for the protection of all who choose to write or

publish their ideas on political subjects. In order to attain these ends, they propose that General Santa Anna be requested to take the command, as best fitted, by his military experience and patriotism, to direct their operations.

This celebrated chief has been living for the last two years in retirement, at his estate in Vera Cruz. He instantly accepted the office, and made his entry into the city on the evening of the 3d, The unpopularity of the bishops arises from the belief that they are in favor of a return to the dominion of Spain; and the State Legislatures are every where protesting against the bull lately issued by the Pope, confirming, in their Episcopal stations, many of the most notorious adherents to the cause of Ferdinand, and appointing others equally obnoxious. A repeal of the present intolerant acts against protestants and heretics is de

*The Legislature of this State has since enact ed a law, by virtue of which clergymen are totally disqualified to hold seats, either in that body or the general Congress.—G. U. E. .

tion, and were in substance as follows: "That the people of the South, together with the armed forces, unite for the purpose of defending their rights and the liberties of their country, against the attempts of designing and ambitious men They recognize, until the expiration of the constitutional term, Don Melchor Musquiz aş

President, and General Bravo as General-in Chief of all the forces, and Colonel Alvarez will be at his disposal, with all those under his command. They pledge themselves that, hereafter, the South shall never be disunited, and

that when the opinions of the people differ, commissioners shall be appointed to conciliate parties; and that in no case shall hostilities be

commenced, until this measure shall have been resorted to. They doom to oblivion all past, private, and political animosities, and agree to acquaint the government with those resolutions, in order to obtain their approbation."

This plan, although devised with the best intentions, did not, it seems, prevent an appeal to arms; and the contending parties met with alternate, and varied success. At length, an invitation was given to General Pedraza, who had been some months in this country, to return, and resume the office of President of

It is said that a favorite motto of Santa Anna is: "No established religion-no slavery.". He also adds: "Let us maintain these principles, and we shall be ahead of our northern neigh bora."

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