Fiat Justitia Ruat Cælum.

the entire absence of facts which prove them, || will you answer when I shall make inquisition for and in the face of facts which disprove them, I blood? Is the church to rise up and cry, this is must believe that the evil consequences of imme-not a religious but a political question-it will diate emancipation are confined to the fancies of exasperate sinners, it will divide Christians, it the apologists of sin. will grieve the blessed spirit, it will put an end

church, 'They draw near to me with their mouths.' 'But we hope better things, though we thus, speak.' The church, as a body, (I speak with out respect to denominations,) has taken her view of slavery, not from the word of God, but from a supposed expediency. She has considered it a political question, settled by an authority with which she has no concern. Moreover she has heard the statement of one party only; the slave-holder has told his story, but the poor slave has not been heard. Let the doctrines of scripture be now at length preached; let the facts, the woful, blood-stained facts, be spread out; let the tale of a slave's wrongs enter the ear, and the church, as a body, will rise in the might of truth. Her testimony will be uttered, and heard, and felt. She will speak out, and trust God for the consequences.

If then there is guilt any where, it rests in to revivals. Well might God say of such a full weight upon the present slave-holder. In vain he looks around him for those modifying circumstances which may change his crime to a misfortune. Out of his own mouth he is con- ondemned. He admits the guilt of the kidnapper, the slave-merchant, the original purchaser-and why? Not simply because their transient agency was marked with cruelty, but because the consequence was the perpetual slavery of a race, and the entail upon a fair country of a blighting curse-a consequence for which he, in his place, is responsible. Guilt, however, is not measured by the consequences of action, but by some known rule. To say nothing of the voice of conscience, the Word of God is plain: 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Who would put himself under the arbitrary control of an individual, rather than under the mild and steady government of law? Who would himself be willing to labor without wages, and have his own support, and that of his family, depend upon the will of any man, however good? Thou shalt not steal,' says the supreme law; but the slave-holder is a perpetual thief. He steals, not 'to satisfy his soul when hungry, but to feast on dainties, to pamper every lust. There cannot be made out a clearer case of violation of divine law, than slave-holding. The very permission given to the Israelites to make servants of the heathen who dwelt about them, is a proof

Again, the guilt of slave-holding may be clearly seen from the relation it holds to acknowledg. ed sins. I have already hinted at this; but let us look it more fully in the face. Why has it come to be a settled point, (in the abstract, the slavery apologists would say,) that man is unfit to be intrusted with despotic power? Why, but that this very power stands in the relation of a fruitful parent to all the transgressions of the second table of the law? Destroying natural affection, exciting anger, lust, extortion, falsehood and cruel covetousness? What is the tes

against the slave-holder. Did God grant an ex-timony of facts in regard to slavery in republi

press permission to his people to buy and use oxen? An express permission implies that a thing would be wrong without it. But the bible contains positive instruction on this subject which is applicable to all, -fair expositions of the general law in regard to this very thing. 'Is not this the fast that I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke?'-Isa. lviii. 6. Masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal; knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven.' Col. iv. 1. In the first epistle to Timothy, first chapter, tenth verse, the apostle classes men-stealers with whore-mongers, liars, perjured persons, and the like; on this passage there stood in the standard of the Presbyterian church, till 1818, this very appropriate comment: Men-stealers among the Jews were expssed to capital punishment; and the apostle Paul classes them with sinners of the first rank. Stealers of men are all those who bring off slaves or free men, and keep, sell, or buy them; comprehending all those who are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or detaining them in it.'

But in 1818 this note was struck out. That is, when the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church saw that the thieves,' were respectable, 'then it consented with them, and became partakers with adulterers.' And has God indeed placed a church in the world to say that his law is too severe? Do his redeemed people tarry in this wilderness on their way to glory, to keep sin in countenance by sympathizing with shameless rebels? If God asks the transgressor, what will you do when I shall deal with you? What

can America? Look at the prodigality and shameless profligacy of southern youth. How many a son has been sent to the distant university, surrounded with whatever advantages wealth could procure, and after having been subjected to all that is reformatory in discipline, and stimulating in the love of praise, has returned to his house a ruined debauchee, made so by the vices that he carried from his father's roof? Did the parent's heart break? No: it was the heart of a slave-holder-it was too hard! It thrust away the undutiful child from the scene of his first lessons in guilt, to the riper instruction of hoary-headed gamblers, profligates, and duellists. Look again at the shameless violation of the seventh commandment. Reed the proof in the thousands of mulattos born of black mothers every year-born to be treated like brutes by their own fathers! Shall I enter into further details? Most easily I might, but the task is needless. The abomination is open, the cry has gone up to heaven, the very sun turns pale! Shall I not be avenged on such a nation as this, saith the Lord?"

But is there no reproving, reforming spirit among them? Does not the Christian pulpit thunder forth the penalties of the insulted law? Is there not an intrepid remnant of God's elect, whose lives are a standing rebuke to the general corruption? No, the pulpit is spell-bound. The message of God is clothed in pointless generalities. The righteous are tamer than Lot in Sodom. The prophet dares not take forth the precious from the vile; I speak of the general fact. If there are men, and I rejoice to believe thereare a few, who dare openly attack slavery on bible ground, they are regarded as insane by

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.

their brethren. Their most celebrated philan- || are laboring under the peculiar disadvantages of thropists, in view of all the sins of the system, domestic servitude, and while, indeed, as a comthink they have done enough when they have munity, we hardly express so much sympathy with exposed, what every slave-holder knew well them as with their masters, will it not be expedienough before, the pecuniary waste which at-ent for those who can do it conscientiously, to say tends it. They hope that a clear demonstration of the pecuniary unprofitableness of slavery will supersede the necessity of any more direct and hazardous aggression. Vain hope! Will the loss of property stop the drunkard, or the gambler, or the debauchee? The slaves are held by the lust of power and the lust of pleasure. Are these passions, cherished, fortified, enthroned in the heart as they are, to be weakened and expelled by the love of money?

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.

It appears that the following protest was issu. William Evans, M. P. James Cropper, ed in London in July last:

MR. WILBERFORCE.

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cælum.

The death of Mr. Wilberforce brings back the mind irresistibly to the memorable events of his history, and forces upon the recollection the extraordinary virtues which adorned and ennobled his character, and placed him at the head of the long catalogue of philanthropists of the last half century.

In the early part of his life, and soon after he took a seat in the house of commons, he commenced a parliamentary warfare against the slave trade. Aided by some of the ablest statesmen in the kingdom, assisted by a number of benevolent individuals, whose principles and feeling fully corresponded with his own, in spite of every obstacle, in the face of defeat after de. feat, and in utter disregard of obloquy and reproach, he persevered for twenty years in his most honorable and praiseworthy career, until his efforts were crowned with success. In the year 1807, if we recollect right, parliament passed a law prohibiting that diabolical traffic, and ridding the nation so far of that most iniquitous and disgraceful system.

By one of those untoward circumstances that occur in the history of nations, when the constitution of the United States was formed and adopted, a provision was suffered to be incorporated in it, denying to congress the power of prohibiting the slave trade before 1808. In 1807, and by an almost contemporaneous act, congress passed a law, declaring that the slave trade should cease after the time prescribed in the constitution.

Having witnessed the eventual success of his - long continued and most meritorious efforts in the cause of justice and humanity, but considering his work as only half done, he commenced a series of measures intended to complete the great work, thus fortunately in part accomplished. This was the abolition of slavery throughout the British colonial dominions. To bring about this great result, unexampled efforts were made to enlist public opinion in its favor-associations were formed, unceasing exertions were employed to collect information, diffuse it throughout the kingdom, and the presses to a considerable extent engaged in the enterprise; and a single periodical publication, the Christian Observer pursued the object with the utmost assiduity, by the exercise of great talents, and the most unshaken independence. Every year, when the subject was brought before parliament, showed a strong accession of strength in favor of the cause; when in 1821, if we have the date correctly, Mr. Canning's resolutions, in favor of effectual abolition, were carried through parlia

ment. Having now a firm hold on which to rest, the great object was pursued with renewed zeal and vigor, all the weight and force of national opinion was brought to bear upon the question, which was altogether irresistible. When it became apparent that abolition could be no longer resisted, opposition was to a degrce given up; and the only question of any moment

that remained to be discussed was that of compensation. During the present session of parliament, a resolution in favor of emancipation has passed both houses; and nothing remains to carry the measure into effect, but to decide upon the details of the bill, and this black stain upon the character of the British nation and govern

ment will be effaced.

Mr. Wilberforce's life was providentially con

tinued until this great measure was so far consummated, when his earthly career was brought to a close, and he was called, as there are the strongest reasons for believing, to the happiness and the glory of a better world.

History scarcely furnishes any account of an uninspired man of greater moral worth, more active philanthropy, more extensive usefulness, than Mr. Wilberforce. His life was devoted to the service of God, and the good of his fellow men. His piety was as sincere and ardent as his benevolence, and both were uniformly conspicuous throughout a long and useful life. His life is now closed, but he has left behind him a charater of the highest elevation for purity of principle and moral rectitude, and at the same time equally distinguished for practical utility and benevolence to the human racc.-N. Y. Daily Advertiser.

THE AFRICAN EXPEDITION.

Letters have been received from Mr. Lander, dated Fernando Po, May 9. Our readers have been already informed of the expedition having entered the river Niger. It appears that the crew had caught the fever on the coast, and that they carried the infection with them. During the first month not less than twenty deaths occurred among the persons composing the expedition: in the second, five. Of the officers only three remained alive, namely, Messrs. Laird and Lander, and Lieutenant Allen. Mr. Briggs, eldest son of Dr. Briggs, of this town, is among the dead. As the survivors had become seasoned to the climate, it was hoped, that few, if any, additional deaths would occur.

Mr. Lander left the steam boats on the 14th of April, about 400 miles up the Niger, opposite the mouth of the Lake Tschad. The object of his voyage to the coast was to procure necessaries, &c.

The country on the banks of the Niger was found to be highly fertile, and capable of being made to produce all kinds of tropical fruit, &c. The natives had received the expedition in the most friendly manner, and an amicable intercourse between them had taken place. One of

the native kings or chiefs had visited the steamers, and was surprised and delighted at what he saw. He returned the compliment by inviting the officers to an entertaiument on shore. At this fete his Majesty produced two men, whom he was about to offer a sacrifice in honor of the visit of the white men. He was, however, intreated to spare the victims, and yielded to the

entreaties of his new friends with a truly royal grace.

The letters speak, we understand, very confidently of the ultimate success of the commercial objects of the expedition. Had it not been for the ravages caused by the fever, the most complete success would, ere now, have attended the enterprize.-London paper.

The school of affliction, even in its utmost severity, is found to inculcate the best principles of gentleness and virtue, and to inspire a feeling for the miseries of others.

If the world suspect your well intended designs, be not uneasy; it only shows that mankind are themselves false and artful, which is the cause of their suspicions.

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF

COLUMBIA.

The abolition of the slave trade and slavery in this district ought to be constantly kept in mind by all the friends of the colored race. In this object thousands will unite who are opposed to anti-slavery societies. Few men, we believe can be found at the north, who do not regard the toleration of slavery at the seat of our national government as disgraceful to the country; and,

even at the south, many persons who are not prepared to exert themselves to put down this system in their own states, will readily admit that no just cause exists for perpetuating it in the District of Columbia. Nothing, we are confident, is necessary, in order to abolish the national sin and shame, but resolution and activity in the friends of the measure. If all who really

have this cause at heart would but put their names to petitions to congress in favor of the object, they would be astonished at their own numbers, and congress would not dare refuse to perform a great work of justice and humanity, which was demanded by the great mass of the people.

The following is a petition which is now circulating in this vicinity. It has alraedy received numerous and respectable signatures :

To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, the petition of the undersigned, citizens of the United States, respectfully represents

That your petitioners are deeply impressed with the evils arising from the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia. The constitution of the United States provides that congress shall have power "to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district • (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by the cession of particular states, and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of government of the United States." In pursuance of this provision, the status of Maryland and Virginia respectively ceded portions of their territories, which being accepted by congress now compose the District of Columbia. By the plain words of the constitution, congress has the power to abolish slavery in this district, and no other power can legislate on the subject.

While our declaration of independence boldly proclaims as self-evident truths, "that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" at the very seat of government, human beings are born almost daily, whom the laws pronounce to be from their birth not equal to other men, and who are for life, deprived of liberty, and the free pursuit of happiness.

slaves, but also frequently leads to the enslaving of free people of color, citizens of the United States, some of whom are kidnapped by violence, and others of whom are reduced to hopeless bondage under the forms of law.

From the small number of slaves in the District of Columbia, and the moderate proportion which they bear to the free population there, the difficulties which in most of the slaveholding states oppose the restoration of this degraded class of men to their natural rights, do not exist in this place. Your petitioners, therefore, pray that congress will, without delay, enact laws for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum bia, and for preventing the bringing of slaves into that district for the purpose of traffic, in such mode as may be thought advisable, and whatever measures may be adopted, will also make suitable provision for the education of all

free black and colored children in the district, thus to preserve them from continuing even as free men, an unenlightened and degraded caste.

We earnestly entreat all persons who wish slavery in the District to be abolished, to exert themselves in preparing petitions for this object to be presented at the next session of congress. Even if the measure should then fail, they will have the satisfaction of having done their duty, and having assisted, in some degree, to effect a great moral reform which must sooner or later be accomplished. - Abolitionist.

SINGULAR INVESTIGATION.

A merchant from the state of Ohio, who was the bearer of $7000 from his brother-in-law, also a merchant in that state, to sundry merchants of this city, who were creditors of the brother-inlaw, arrived here on Wednesday morning last, on board the steam boat Dewitt Clinton, but had scarcely landed, before, as he alleges, his pocket was in some way or other cut, and his pocket book, containing the $7000, extracted. He proceeded to the police office, and there gave an account of the lost, particularising the character of the money lost, and offering a reward of $1000 for its restitution, at the same time making oath to the truth of his statement. Taking passage the same afternoon for Albany, several creditors of the brother-law took up an opinion that the loss was merely pretended, and therefore dispatched one of the police officers in pursuit of him, who found, upon his arrival in Albany, that he had taken his seat in the despatch line of stages for Utica, bound, as was conjectured, on his route home. He was followed some distance beyond Schenectady, and there apprehended and brought to this city, to answer, as is alleged, to a charge of perjury. The investigation of the affair had not terminated last evening, and will be continued this forenoon.- New York paper, Oct. 15.

In addition to other evils flowing from slavery, both moral and political, which it is needless to specify, circumstances have rendered this disHenry Hill, a colored man, and a revolutiontrict a great market for traders in human flesh.ary soldier, died in Chilicothe, on the 12th ult. aged 80 years. He was buried with the honors of war-a singular tribute of respect to the me. mory of a colored man; but no doubt richly merited in this case. Henry, we should infer, from an obituary notice in the Chilicothe Adverwine, Monmouth, Princeton, and Yorktown. Peace to his ashes!

The unhappy victims of this traffic are brought into this district in chains, and then lodged in private jails and other places of confinement, from whence they are carried to the markets of the south and west.

The toleration of slavery and the slave tradetiser, was at the battle of Lexington, Brandyat the seat of government, not only produces the most cruel sufferings to those who are legally

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