Fiat Justitia Ruat Celum. sive fatigue and the wasting effects of cankering disease. Many a time I have been necessitated to sleep on the wet ground, in the open air, with no bedding but my thin cloak, while in this condition. it and judge for yourselves. We would be glad || recruit my exhausted energies, worn by excesto republish the speech of O'Connel, on the same occasion, but cannot, at this time for want of room. The introduction of this debate, and the extracts we have made from the pamphlet of Elizur Wright, jr. on the "Sin of Slavery," have excluded our usual variety. But we intend to commence in earnest with the new year, and have made our arrangements for furnishing our readers with a faithful exposition of the state of the anti-slavery cause in our future numbers. A wide field is opened before us in which to labor. The enemies of human rights are vigilant and active. Every artifice which ingenuity can devise will be resorted to for the purpose of casting odium upon the friends of universal emancipation. Threats and denunciations will be fulminated against them. But no new thing has happened to us. Our lot is the lot of all the benefactors of the human race, from the Saviour to the least of his disciples. Their services have been rewarded by slander and persecution. But truth will eventually triumph over error and delusion. The light will yet shine out of darkness, and dispel the gloom that now prevails, and the thick darkness which now covers the land, in regard to the slavery of the African race. The following letter from BENJAMIN LUNDY to the present editor of this paper, is the only account we have had from him for the last four months. It shows, in a forcible manner, his devotion to the cause in which he has been en gaged for eleven years, and the privations and sufferings he is willing to endure to promote it. St. Antonio de Bexar, (Texas,) 9th mo. 8th. 1833. Dear Friend-In the hope (and scarely even hoping it, either) that this may reach thee, I pen thee a few lines. It is the first opportunity that I could yet avail myself of since my embarkation at New Orleans. After a long and tedious passage, I reached Brazoria, in Austin's colony, in good health; but there, as at Nashville, I found that awful scourge, the cholera, raging violently, and was again immediately attacked by it myself. By the aid of Dr. Parrish's prescriptions, however, I held it in check, though I was sorely afflicted. Many died while I was detained at Brazoria, which was several days, and more have since died, and fled. I understand, indeed, that the town is literally deserted by the inhabitants! The pestilence spared neither age, sex, nor condition-all were alike the objects of its fury, and undistinguishingly hurried to the grave! It was almost a miracle that I escaped. But although I got partially rid of it before I left that place, it attacked me several times since, and occasioned much suffering and detention. I travelled on foot and alone, often from ten to twenty-five miles, without a house, partly under the rays of a burning sun, and partly through drenching rains, with a knapsack weighing from twenty to twenty-five pounds; and it frequently compelled me to stop for a day or two, in order to an But time and paper would fail me to give thee an adequate idea of the difficult and dangerous vicissitudes through which I have passed. I am now at the former capital of Texas, in good health. The place is, in a direct line, about 400 miles west of the United States boundary; and (the way that I came) about 270 miles from the place at which I landed. From hence to the present seat of government of Coahuila and Texas, the distance is not much under 300 miles. One hundred and sixty miles of the road passes through uninhabited country. This part of the journey I cannot venture to perform alone; and have waited here more than two weeks for company. I expect to have some in a week or ten days, and then hope soon to know the result of my mission. The prospect before me is flattering; and I shall press on until I know fully what may be accomplished. The country quite answers my expectations-indeed far exceeds them in many particulars. How soon I shall now have it in my power to return home, it is impossible to say; but in all probability I shall be able to make much better speed when I get into the settled country beyond the Rio Grande. It is probable that I may return by way of Matamoras, and thence by sea. From the London Patriot. AMERICAN SLAVERY AND AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. A public meeting was held at Exeter Hall on Saturday, the 13th inst. for the purpose of exposing the real character and objects of the American Colonization Society, JAMES CROPPER, Esq. in the chair. The chairman commenced the proceedings by stating that the object of the present meeting was, the exposition of the real character and design of the American Colonization Society, and Mr. Garrison, the representative of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, would address the meeting, and furnish some information on the subject. He (Mr. G.) was a man very highly recommended, and very highly esteemed by the respectable part of the community in his native country, and who had devoted his whole time to procuring the emancipation of the American slaves. It was probably well known that an agent of the American Colonization Society had been collecting money in this country under the assumed character, and with the expressed declaration that the great object of that society was the ultimate extinction of slavery in the United States, and the civilization of Africa.Notwithstanding that misrepresentation had been exposed, within a very short period a meeting had been held by Mr. Cresson, in which he (Mr. C.) had had the countenance of one of the blood royal; it therefore became necessary to adopt a more public means for exposing the fallacy of that gentleman's statements. The American Colonization Society was avowedly established to colonize the free people of color in Africa, or any other place which congress might direct, and consequently the civilization of Africa was Fiat Justitia Ruat Cælum. not the real object of the institution, neither was it the abolition of slavery. On the contrary, Mr. Randolph, in speaking at its first formation, said, "So far from its being connected with the aboli(tion of slavery, it would be one of the greatest he (Mr. Garrison) had received from T. F. Buxton. It was as follows: "My dear Sir, I must trouble you with a line to excuse my non-appearance at the meeting to-morrow. The fact is, critical as has been the securities to enable the master to keep in posses-state of our great question often before, perhaps sion his own property." Now, those who were acquainted with the nature of slavery, knew that it could only exist where men were scarce, and where land was plentiful. As the population of any country multiplied, it would be utterly impossible to continue slavery. It was not necessary for him (Mr. C.) to state that in this country, even if the law would allow it, slavery could not exist. Many parishes in England were paying considerable sums to send away the population. Now, if the people were not of saleable value, but on the contrary, the country would give sums of money to get quit of them, slavery could not exist in such a community as that. An increase of population, or of any article of consumption, lessened its value, and an increase of slaves would lessen their value till they were worth nothing whatever. It was in the contemplation of that state of things that the slaveholders were alarmed. They saw the increase of the American slave population-they saw that in South America that circumstance was producing the natural effect which the beneficent Creator intended it should; namely, the bringing of slavery to its natural death. It was to prevent *the fulfilment of that beneficent ordination of Providence that the American Colonization Society was formed; to use the language of its distinguished supporters, " it opened a drain to take off the excess beyond the means of profitable employment." What could that expression mean? It was quite true that the slave owners could not find a profitable employment for the slaves, but it was equally true that if they were increased a hundred fold, and their freedom were granted them, they would find profitable employment for themselves. It was known to most present that the laws against emancipation, the laws against every sort of instruction and improvement of the slave population, were far nore severe in the United States of America han in any other country whatever; and what steps had the Colonization Society taken in reference to that subject? None, none whatever! In Louisiana the punishment of death was annexed to any attempt to instruct or improve the slave population (hear, hear.) Was emancipation the ultimate object which the Society looked for? What was the effect which it had already produced? In the year 1790 there were 59,000 free blacks in America, and emancipation was then going on with considerable rapidity, so that in 1810 they had increased to 186,000, and had they gone on in the same proportion for twenty years longer, they ought to have amounted to 584,000, but when the census of 1830 was made up, the number was only 319,000; so that, owing to some change of feeling in America, 265,000 were now left in slavery who would otherwise have been set free. The society had done every thing in its power to strengthen the prejudice entertained against the free colored population, (hear, hear.) Mr. Thompson then introduced to the meeting Mr. W. L. Garrison, as the accredited agent of the New England Anti-Slavery Society. never was it so critical as now. My mind is intensely occupied, and every moment of my time so full, that I should be sacrificing my duty to this paramount object if I allowed any thing else, however pressing and interesting, to divert me from it at this the crisis of its fate. But you know my complete unity in the objects of your meeting, to which I most cordially wish all success. My views of the Colonization Society you are aware of. They do not fall far short of those expressed by my friend Mr. Cropper, when he termed its objects diabolical. Nor will you doubt my concurrence in the efforts of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, or any AntiSlavery in the world. "Wishing you therefore, all success, and entreating you to tell your countrymen, on your return, that we in England are all for the AntiSlavery, not for the Colonization people, I am, my dear sir, with real esteem, "Yours very faithfully, "T. F. BUXTON." "54, Devonshire-street, July 12, 1833. Mr. GARRISON then rose and said, that he had long since sacrificed all his national, complexional, and local prejudices, upon the altar of Christian love, and breaking down the narrow boundaries of a selfish patriotism, he had inscribed upon his banner this motto: "My country is the world-my countrymen are all mankind." (Applause.) It was true, in a geographical sense, he was in a foreign territory; still it was a part of his country. He was in the midst of strangers, but still surrounded by his countrymen. (Applause.) There must be limits to civil governments and national domains.There must be names to distinguish the natural divisions of the earth, and the dwellers thereon. There must be varieties in the form, color, stature, and condition of mankind. All these might exist, not only without injury, but with the highest advantage. But whenever they were made the boundaries of human disinterestedness, honor, friendship, and love, they were as execrable and destructive, as, otherwise, they were beauti. ful and preservative. No where, he was sure, would a more united response be given to these sentiments, than in that hall, and by those who were assembled on that occasion. (Hear.) What exclamation had they put into the mouth of the African captive, kneeling in his chains with his face turned imploringly heavenward? It was this the most just, the most thrilling, the most irresistible-"Am I not a man and a brother?" (Cheers.) Yes! though black as murky night, though born on a distant shore, though degraded and enslaved, though ranked among the beasts of the field-still, “a man and a brother !" (Cheers.) Noblest device of humanity! Wherever, in all time, a human being pined in personal thraldom, the tones of that talismanic appeal uttered by him would be borne very swiftly by the winds of heaven over the whole earth, and stir up the humane, the brave, the honor able, the good, for his deliverance; for the strife of freedom was no longer local, but blows were now struck for the redemption of The chairman begged to read a letter, which || the world. (App'ause.) And glorious was, Flat Justitia Kuat Cœlum. prospect before them. Wherever they turned || negro emancipation, whose time and talents their eyes, they saw the earth quaking, and heard thunders uttering their voices. The Genius of Universal Emancipation was visible in every clime, and at her trumphet-call the dead slaves of all nations were starting into life, shaking off were all consecrated to the relief of bleeding humanity, and who was conferring upon that meeting the honor of presiding as chairman-James Cropper was one of Mr. Cresson's persecutors! (Cheers.) And who was another? That most the dust of the tomb, and presenting an immor-eminent and most venerable philanthropist, whose tal beauty through the power of a mighty resurrection! (Cheers.) He had crossed the Atlantic on an errand of mercy, to plead for perishing millions, and to discharge in behalf of the abolitionist of the United States, a high moral obligation which was due to the British public, viz, by exposing the real character of the American Colonization Society. It would neither be modest nor proper for him to make a parade of the sacrifices of time, of money, or of health, he had made-nor of the perils he had risked, or the persecution encountered, or the sufferings merits trancended the language of eulogy-Zachary Macaulay was a persecutor! Whose name came next on Mr. C.'s criminal calendar? A name that could not die-around which clus tered the best associations of philanthropy and true greatness-Thomas Fowell Buxton! And Mr. Cresson, on the principles which governed his conduct, might now rank among his persecutors another noble spirit, whose fame was as widely diffused as the air of heavenWilliam Wilberforce. (Cheers.) There was yet another champion of the negro race, who endured, since he first stood forth as the advo-though named the last was not the least, and cate of his enslaved countrymen, not to banish them from their native land, nor to contend for their emancipation half way between now and never (cheers;) but to demand their instant emancipation, and their recognition as brethren and countrymen. (Cheers.) He should make no such lachryal display of his losses and crosses in that holy cause: although he could give, perhaps, as long a list, and summon as many witnesses, and present as strong claims to the sympathy and regard of the meeting, as the agent of the American negro shippers in En who, he (Mr. Garrison) had faith to believe, Mr. Cresson might very shortly place upon his list of persecutors-he alluded to Thomas Clarkson. (Hear, hear.) That Mr. Cresson had imposed upon the generous confidence of Mr. Clarkson was evident, inasmuch as the American Coloni zation Society had, from its organization, disclaimed any intention of abolishing slavery, either gradually or immediately: and was pledg ed by its constitution to the prosecution of one object exclusively, the removal of free pers sons of color; and yet Mr. Clarkson, in his let gland; for he knew that in all things he cameter of December 1, 1831, addressed to Mr. Cres short, and he poured contempt upon all that he had endured for righteousness' sake. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might have been the trials, losses, and dangers encountered by that agent, they were such only as attended a popular cause. His (Mr. Cresson's) friends and supporters in the United States were as numerous as the oppressors and despisers of the colored population. He (Mr. G.) cherished not the least personal anamosity toward that gentleman. He was sure that he could heartily forgive Mr. Cresson as often as he was wronged by him; for his memory could no more retain the impress of anger, hatred, or revenge, than the ocean the track of its monsters. (Applause.) He was sorry that the health of Mr. Cresson would not allow him publicly to discuss the principles and operations | of his darling scheme, although it enabled him to hold ex parte meetings in favor of that scheme ad libitum; (hear, hear;) nay, he could even take the lead publicly in the formation of a British Colonization Society, (although it was repeatedly declared that it had not the least connexion with the American Colonization Society,) and make a long speech in its favor, at the very moment he assigned his utter physical inability as the reason why he could not hold a discussion with him, (Mr. G.) or with his gifted and eloquent friend, George Thompson, Esq.! Mr. Cresson had his best wishes for the speedy and complete recovery of his health. Mr. Cresconstantly descanting, in the most lugubrious manner, upon the persecution which he had received in almost every part of England. And who had he arraigned among his persecutors? He. (Mr. Garrison) was sure that the imention of their names would excite the smiles of that assembly. Excite their smiles, did he say? Rather let him say, excite their strongest indignation. (Hear, hear.) He who had given the noblest proofs of his devotion to the cause of son was son declared, "this Society seemed to him to have two objects in view-first, to assist in the emancipation of all the slaves now in the United States; and, secondly, by sending these to Africa, to do away the slave trade, and promote civilization among the natives there." Mr. Cresson was a respectable gentleman, but he vastly overrated his own dignity and importance in supposing that he was a special object of persecution. He (Mr. G.) cherished as strong a love for the land of his nativity as any man living. He was proud of her civil, political, and religious institutions; of her rapid advancement in science, literature, and the arts; of her gener prosperity and grandeur. Still he must accus) her of insulting the Majesty of Heaven with the grossest mockery that was ever exhibited to man; of proscribing nearly half a million of free colorec people, and seeking to drag them thousands of miles across the ocean 'on a hypocritical plea of benevolence; of pursuing an extensive and barberons domestic traffic in human flesh; of kide napping a hundred thousand infants annually, the offspring of slave parents; of plundering two millions of human beings of their liberties and the fruits of their toil; and, finally, of callous indifference to the accumulated wrongs and sufferings of her colored population, assiduous in extenuating her piratical acts, and determined to slumber upon the brink of a volcano which was in full operation. In reply to her miserable defence for her conduct, namely, tha slavery was entailed upon her by great Britain, he would quote the burning rebuke of a distinguished advocate of freedom, who never spok on that subject but he "showered words of weight and fire," he meant the eloquent O'Connell, (Cheers.) Mr. Garrison then entered into a miuute account of the origin, progress, object and tendency of the American Colonization Society. One of its vice-presidents and most Fiat Justitia Ruat Cælum. influential supporters (General Mercer, of Vir- || moral, literary, benevolent, and saving societies, ginnia,) who was a slave holder, who had recently declared upon the floor of the Congress that he would not live in the United States if a general emancipation took place, and who voted for the admission of a new slave state (Missouri) into the Union, thus opening a territory of more than sixty thousand square miles for the unlimited sale and enslavement of his own species, had been styled, by Mr. Cresson, "the Wilberforce of the American Congress!" (Hear, hear.) Had ever a greater aspersion been cast upon that venerable name by the enemies of the abolition of the foreign slave-trade? The hardihood of the act was equalled only by that of the managers of the American Colonization Society, in requesting that the portrait of its president (a slavebreeder, from whose plantation slaves had been sold and driven off in chains to the Mississippi) might be hung up in the Aldermanbury AntiSlavery office, by the side of Thomas Clarkson's! Wilberforce associated with an unrelenting oppressor, who successfully exerted himself to open a new market for slaves for the prosecution of that diabolical traffic which Wilberforce had spent the best energies of his life to destroy! And Clarkson, with a negro-breeder, who speculated in human flesh and sinews! The insult was not merély a personal insult; it was an insult to the British nation (cheers;) it was an insult to the virtuous and good thoughout the world. (Cheers.) The emancipation of the slaves was an object foreign to the American Colonization Society; and surely it was not wonderful that an institution originating in a slave-holding state, formed by slave-holders, managed by slave-holders, and supported by slave-holders, should pledge itself not to seek the abolition of slavery. Nor was it wonderful that it should hold slaves as sacred property, or denounce abolitionists as incendiaries and fanatics, or slander the free blacks in order to justify the detention of the slaves in bondage, or reiterate the stupid falsehood that Africa was the native country of American-born persons, or applaud those diabolical laws which forbade the instruction of the blacks, or insist upon the banishment of the liberated slaves. Nor was it wonderful that such a Society should defy prejudice, proclaim eternal hostility to the free people of color, discourage their improvement in and a multitude of kindred associations. They had infant, Sabbath, primary, and high schools. Many of their number were in highly affluent circumstances, and distinguished for their refinement, enterprise, and talents. (Applause.) Among them was taken a large number of daily and weekly newspapers, and of literary and scientific periodicals, from the popular monthlies up to the grave and erudite North American and American Quarterly Reviews. He had at that moment to his own paper, The Liberator, more than one thousand annual subscribers among the people, and, from an occupancy of the editorial chair for more than seven years, he could testify that they were more punctual in their payments than any five hundred white subscribers whose name he had placed indiscriminately in his subscription-book. (Great cheering.) In short, although mountains of prejudice were piled upon them, they were rising up from the earth with more than Titanian strength, and trampling beneath their feet the slanders of their enemies. One of that calumniated class was then on the platform, the Rev. Nathaniel Paul, a gentleman with whom the proudest or best man on earth need not blush to associate. (Cheers.) He was happy in pointing to him as a specimen of that class, "out of which," the Colonization Society maintained, "no individual could be elevated, and below which none could be depressed." Не (the Rev. Mr. P.) was the representative of the Wilberforce settlement in Upper Canada, which, though formed under appalling circumstances, was steadily advancing in prosperity, and which received the cordial approval of the abolitionists of the United States. To that asylum many a poor slave had already escaped, and others would follow in their track; and by its proximity to the slave system, it would hasten the downfall of oppression. (Hear, hear.) It richly merited the sympathies and charities of the British public. The American Colonization Society had inflam ed and sanctified malignant and unholy prejudices, seared the consciences of the people as with a hot iron, in many cases directly prevented the instruction of the free blacks, and induced the enactment of laws prohibiting emancipation. The number of slaves annually liberated before the United States, deride the power of the Gos-the Colonization Society was formed, was at the pel, trample under foot the precepts of Christ, and blaspheme the God who made the heavens and the earth. He (Mr. Garrison) could not boast, like Mr. Cresson of defraying his own expenses; for Mr. Cresson was opulent, but he was poor. All that he had, however, was dedicated to the cause of negro emancipation. But he was proud to say that his mission was supported principally by the voluntary contributions of his free colored brethren. He stood there as their mouth-piece, and with their blessings resting upon his head. Persecuted, derided yet noble people! never could he repay generosity and love like theirs. It was not possible for the mind to invent, or the tongue to utter, baser calumnies rate of seven to three emancipated since that period. Thus the Society had evidently caused the detention of hundreds of thousands of slaves in worse than Algerine bondage. (Hear, hear.) He had pointed out to the meeting the great bastile of prejudice and oppression. He had given them a view of its dark front, its massive walls, its ponderous gates, and its wretched victims, who, through the iron grates of their cells, were making signals and uttering cries for relief! Let the people of England assail it with the bat. tle-axe of justice; let their artilleries of truth, charged to the muzzle, blaze against it; let them dig a mine under it, and prepare a train for its destruction; and soon deliverance would be given than the Colonization Society had propagated to the captives, and the prison itself would be against their character. Their condition was as blown into countless fragments. (Cheers.) much superior to that of the slaves, as the light After Wm. Lloyd Garrison had concluded, a of heaven was more cheering than the darkness few remarks were made by Thompson and Paul, of the pit. (Cheers.) They had flourishing after which O'Connell delivered one of his chachurches, under the pastoral care of persons of their own color. They had public and private racteristic speeches, in which he did not spare libraries. They had temperance, debating, his republican friends in this country. Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum. THE SIN OF SLAVERY. BY ELIZUR WRIGHT, JR. Immediate Emancipation. Since I have shown so little respect for a scheme considered by the bulk of Christian community, as the last resort, and the only hope against the system of slavery, it may be expected that I should point out something better. The expectation is reasonable and shall not be disappointed. Under the government of God, as exhibited in this world, there is but one remedy for sin, and that is available only by a repentance, evidenced by reformation. There is no such thing as holding on to sin with safety. It is not only to be renounced, but the very occasions of it are to be avoided at whatever sacrifice. If thy right hand cause thee to offend, cut it offif thy right eye pluck it out. The dearest human relationships are to be broken through when they interfere with the relation which a man bears to God, and through him to his rational creatures. This being the case, we might naturally expect that the entire agency which God has provided to reclaim the world should be adapted to produce immediate repentance. It certainly is so, if we take the testimony of the Bible. When the Apostle of the Gentiles at tacked idolatry, he said, "The times of this ig norance God winked at, (that is, used no special agency to prevent it,) but now commandeth all men every where to repent. The living min istry, instituted by the author of Christianity, and propagated from age to age, was designed to reform and save the world by preaching re pentance-immediate, thorough repentance. When it gives up this message, whatever other means it may use, it does any thing but reclaim men from sin. Throughout all the recorded messages of God to men, he expresses the utmost abhorrence of sin-there is no compassionate promise even, which is not based upon the condition that sin be forsaken as an abominable evil. The entire and total wickedness of men, is the subject of the first paragraph in every exposition of Gospel grace. Those men who are so excessively cautious not to disturb prejudice, who would remove sin while the wicked are asleep, stealing around the bed and affecting a reformation beforehand, so that the sinner may repent at his leisure without hindrance when he wakes, derive their authority elsewhere than from the word of God, as indeed they must derive their hope of success elsewhere than from the natural history of man. The doctrine of the immediate abolition of slavery asks no better authority than is offered by scripture. It is in perfect harmony with the letter and spirit of God's word. Though this doctrine does not depend, in regard to the slave holder, upon the safety of immediate emancipation, nor, in regard to the non-slave-holder, on the prospect of accomplishing any abolition at all upon the commands of God, yet I shall attempt to establish it upon those lower grounds. I am willing to rest the cause on the truth of the following propositions. 1. The instant abolition of the whole slave system is safe, and the substitution of a free labor system is safe, practicable and profitable. 2. The firm expression of an enlightened public opinion, on the part of non-slave-holders, in favor of instant abolition, is an effectual, and the only effectual means of securing abolition in any time whatsoever. 1. Immediate abolition is safe. Were I speaking to a Christian public, who believed half they professed, I would not insult them by a labored argument on this point. It would be enough to have shown that emacipation is the duty of slave-holders, to arouse these Christians to plead the cause of the oppressed, even at the peril of dungeons and gibbets. But the Christians of this age, must have not only a "thus saith the Lord," but a guarantee-safe as a real estate mortgage that the performance of the duty shall not injuriously affect certain temporalities, which, taken together, little and great, are supposed to make up the public weal. No matter how many millions writhe in the last distress, the public safety is the paramount claim, the supreme law, and of this public safety, not God, but the public, is to judge. With a thorough going Christian of the apostolic school, what ever is right, is of course expedient; but with the modern baptized "gnat strainer and camel swallower," nothing is right, which cannot be wire-drawn through his own apprehension of expediency. For the special benefit of such, I proceed to this argument. The immediate abolition of slavery is safe, because without giving to slaves any motives to injure their masters, it would take away from them the very strong ones which they now have. Why does the white mother quake at the rustling of a leaf? Why, but that she is conscious that there are those around her, who have been deeply enough provoked to imbrue their hands in her blood, and in that of her tender infant at her breast? And this, while all is cringing servility around her-while every want is anticipated, and the most menial services are performed with apparent delight. But well she knows, that it is a counterfeited delight. Well enough she knows, that were she subjected to the same degradation to which she subjects others, vengeance would fire her heart, and seek the first occasion to do its fellest deed. All the instincts of animal nature cry out, that oppression is dangerous; the natural history of man cries out that there is a point, beyond which endurance would be miraculous. The doctrine may be thus briefly stated. It is the duty of the holders of slaves immediately to restore to them to their liberty, and to extend to them the full protection of law, as well as its control. It is their duty equitably to restore them those profits of their labor which have been wickedly wrested away, especially by giving them But the slaves are now, not only under the mothat moral and mental instruction that educatives common to humanity, to throw off their tion, which alone can render any considerable accumulation of property a blessing. It is their duty to employ them as voluntary laborers, on equitable wages. Also, it is the duty of all men to proclaim this doctrine-to urge upon slave-selves, and be aroused to action, by those pane yoke, but they are urged on by the boasts and taunts of their masters. They must either yield up every pretension to manhood, and contentedly think themselves brutes, or they must apply to them holders immediate emancipation, so long as there is a slave-to agitate the consciences of tyrants so long is there a tyrant on the globe. gyrics on liberty, and that proud contempt of slavery, which meet them on every side. No matter how many laws may be thrown around |