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Flat Justitia Kuat Cœlum.

prospect before them. Wherever they turned negro emancipation, whose time and talents their eyes, they saw the earth quaking, and heard were all consecrated to the relief of bleeding huthunders uttering their voices. The Genius of || manity, and who was conferring upon that meetUniversal Emancipation was visible in everying the honor of presiding as chairman-James clime, and at her trumphet-call the dead slaves Cropper was one of Mr. Cresson's persecutors! of all nations were starting into life, shaking off (Cheers.) And who was another? That most the dust of the tomb, and presenting an immor-eminent and most venerable philanthropist, whose tal beauty through the power of a mighty resur- merits trancended the language of eulogy-Zachrection! (Cheers.) He had crossed the Atlan-ary Macaulay was a persecutor! Whose name tic on an errand of mercy, to plead for perish- came next on Mr. C.'s criminal calendar? A ing millions, and to discharge in behalf of the name that could not die-around which clusabolitionist of the United States, a high moral tered the best associations of philanthropy and obligation which was due to the British public, true greatness-Thomas Fowell Buxton! And viz, by exposing the real character of the Ameri- Mr. Cresson, on the principles which governcan Colonization Society. It would neither be ed his conduct, might now rank among his modest nor proper for him to make a parade of persecutors another noble spirit, whose fame the sacrifices of time, of money, or of health, he was as widely diffused as the air of heavenhad made-nor of the perils he had risked, or William Wilberforce. (Cheers.) There was the persecution encountered, or the sufferings yet another champion of the negro race, who endured, since he first stood forth as the advo- though named the last was not the least, and cate of his enslaved countrymen, not to banish who, he (Mr. Garrison) had faith to believe, Mr. them from their native land, nor to contend Cresson might very shortly place upon his list for their emancipation half way between now of persecutors-he alluded to Thomas Clarkson. and never (cheers ;) but to demand their in- || (Hear, hear.) That Mr. Cresson had imposed stant emancipation, and their recognition as bre- upon the generous confidence of Mr. Clarkson thren and countrymen. (Chcers.) He should was evident, inasmuch as the American Coloni make no such lachryal display of his losses zation Society had, from its organization, disand crosses in that holy cause: although he claimed any intention of abolishing slavery, 'could give, perhaps, as long a list, and summon as either gradually or immediately: and was pledg many witnesses, and present as strong claims to ed by its constitution to the prosecution of the sympathy and regard of the meeting, as the one object exclusively, the removal of free per agent of the American negro shippers in En- sons of color; and yet Mr. Clarkson, in his letgland; for he knew that in all things he came ter of December 1, 1831, addressed to Mr. Cresshort, and he poured contempt upon all that he son declared, "this Society seemed to him to had endured for righteousness' sake. (Hear, have two objects in view-first, to assist in hear.) Whatever might have been the trials, the emancipation of all the slaves now in the losses, and dangers encountered by that agent, United States; and, secondly, by sending these they were such only as attended a popular cause. to Africa, to do away the slave trade, and proHis (Mr. Cresson's) friends and supporters in mote civilization among the natives there." Mr. the United States were as numerous as the op- Cresson was a respectable gentleman, but he pressors and despisers of the colored population. vastly overrated his own dignity and importHe (Mr. G.) cherished not the least personal ance in supposing that he was a special object anamosity toward that gentleman. He was of persecution. He (Mr. G.) cherished as strong sure that he could heartily forgive Mr. Cresson a love for the land of his nativity as any man as often as he was wronged by him; for his me- living. He was proud of her civil, political, and mory could no more retain the impress of anger, religious institutions; of her rapid advancement hatred, or revenge, than the ocean the track of in science, literature, and the arts; of her gener its monsters. (Applause.) He was sorry that prosperity and grandeur. Still he must accus the health of Mr. Cresson would not allow him her of insulting the Majesty of Heaven with the publicly to discuss the principles and operations grossest mockery that was ever exhibited to man; of his darling scheme, although it enabled him to of proscribing nearly half a million of free colored hold ex parte meetings in favor of that scheme people, and seeking to drag them thousands of ad libitum; (hear, hear;) nay, he could even miles across the ocean on a hypocritical plea of take the lead publicly in the formation of a Bri- benevolence; of pursuing an extensive and bartish Colonization Society, (although it was re-berous domestic traffic in human flesh; of kide peatedly declared that it had not the least connexion with the American Colonization Society,) and make a long speech in its favor, at the very moment he assigned his utter physical inability as the reason why he could not hold a discussion with him, (Mr. G.) or with his gifted and eloquent friend, George Thompson, Esq. Mr. Cresson had his best wishes for the speedy and complete recovery of his health. Mr. Cresson was constantly descanting, in the most lugubrious manner, upon the persecution which he had received in almost every part of England. And who had he arraigned among his persecutors? He. (Mr. Garrison) was sure that the mention of their names would excite the smiles of that assembly. Excite their smiles, did he say? Rather let him say, excite their strongest indignation. (Hear, hear.) He who had given the noblest proofs of his devotion to the cause of

napping a hundred thousand infants annually, the offspring of slave parents; of plundering two millions of human beings of their liberties and the fruits of their toil; and, finally, of callous indifference to the accumulated wrongs and sufferings of her colored population, assiduous in extenuating her piratical acts, and determined to slumber upon the brink of a volcano which was in full operation. In reply to her miserable defence for her conduct, namely, tha slavery was entailed upon her by great Britain, he would quote the burning rebuke of a distinguished advocate of freedom, who never spok on that subject but he "showered words of weight and fire," he meant the eloquent O'Connell, (Cheers.) Mr. Garrison then entered into a miuute account of the origin, progress, object and tendency of the American Colonization Society. One of its vice-presidents and most

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cælum.

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influential supporters (General Mercer, of Vir- moral, literary, benevolent, and saving societies, ginnia,) who was a slave holder, who had and a multitude of kindred associations. They recently declared upon the floor of the Congress had infant, Sabbath, primary, and high schools. that he would not live in the United States if a Many of their number were in highly affluent general emancipation took place, and who voted circumstances, and distinguished for their refinefor the admission of a new slave state (Missouri) ment, enterprise, and talents. (Applause.) into the Union, thus opening a territory of more || Among them was taken a large number of daily than sixty thousand square miles for the unlim- and weekly newspapers, and of literary and ited sale and enslavement of his own species, had scientific periodicals, from the popular monthlies been styled, by Mr. Cresson, "the Wilberforce up to the grave and erudite North American and of the American Congress!" (Hear, hear.) Had American Quarterly Reviews. He had at that ever a greater aspersion been cast upon that ve- moment to his own paper, The Liberator, more nerable name by the enemies of the abolition of than one thousand annual subscribers among the foreign slave-trade? The hardihood of the the people, and, from an occupancy of the ediact was equalled only by that of the managers torial chair for more than seven years, he could of the American Colonization Society, in request testify that they were more punctual in their ing that the portrait of its president (a slave- payments than any five hundred white subscribreeder, from whose plantation slaves had been bers whose name he had placed indiscriminately sold and driven off in chains to the Mississippi)|| in his subscription-book. (Great cheering.) In might be hung up in the Aldermanbury Anti- short, although mountains of prejudice were piled Slavery office, by the side of Thomas Clarkson's! upon them, they were rising up from the earth Wilberforce associated with an unrelenting op- with more than Titanian strength, and tramppressor, who successfully exerted himself to open ling beneath their feet the slanders of their enea new market for slaves-for the prosecution of mies. that diabolical traffic which Wilberforce had spent the best energies of his life to destroy! And Clarkson, with a negro-breeder, who speculated in human flesh and sinews! The insult was not merely a personal insult; it was an insult to the British nation (cheers;) it was an insult to the virtuous and good thoughout the world. (Cheers.) The emancipation of the slaves was an object foreign to the American Colonization Society; and surely it was not wonderful that an institution originating in a slave-holding state, formed by slave-holders, managed by slave-holders, and supported by slave-holders, should pledge itself not to seek the abolition of slavery. Nor was it wonderful that it should hold slaves as sacred property, or denounce abolitionists as incendiaries and fanatics, or slander the free blacks in order to justify the detention of the slaves in bondage, or reiterate the stupid falschood that Africa was the native country of American-born persons, or applaud those diabolical laws which forbade the instruction of the blacks, or insist upon the banishment of the liberated slaves. Nor was it wonderful that such a Society should defy prejudice, proclaim eternal hostility to the free people of color, discourage their improvement in the United States, deride the power of the Gospel, trample under foot the precepts of Christ, and blaspheme the God who made the heavens and the earth. He (Mr. Garrison) could not boast, like Mr. Cresson of defraying his own expenses; for Mr. Cresson was opulent, but he was poor. All that he had, however, was dedicated to the cause of negro emancipation. But he was proud to say that his mission was supported principally by the voluntary contributions of his free colored brethren. He stood there as their mouth-piece, and with their blessings resting upon his head. Persecuted, derided yet noble people! never could he repay generosity and love like theirs. It was not possible for the mind to invent, or the tongue to utter, baser calumnies than the Colonization Society had propagated against their character. Their condition was as much superior to that of the slaves, as the light of heaven was more cheering than the darkness of the pit. (Cheers.) They had flourishing churches, under the pastoral care of persons of their own color. They had public and private libraries. They had temperance, debating,

One of that calumniated class was then on the platform, the Rev. Nathaniel Paul, a gentleman with whom the proudest or best man on earth need not blush to associate. (Cheers.) He was happy in pointing to him as a specimen of that class, "out of which," the Colonization Society maintained, "no individual could be elevated, and below which none could be depressed." He (the Rev. Mr. P.) was the representative of the Wilberforce settlement in Upper Canada, which, though formed under appalling circumstances, was steadily advancing in prosperity, and which received the cordial approval of the abolitionists of the United States. To that asylum many a poor slave had already escaped, and others would follow in their track; and by its proximity to the slave system, it would hasten the downfall of oppression. (Hear, hear.) It richly merited the sympathies and charities of the British public. The American Colonization Society had inflam ed and sanctified malignant and unholy prejudices, seared the consciences of the people as with a hot iron, in many cases directly prevented the instruction of the free blacks, and induced the enactment of laws prohibiting emancipation. The number of slaves annually liberated before the Colonization Society was formed, was at the rate of seven to three emancipated since that period. Thus the Society had evidently caused the detention of hundreds of thousands of slaves in worse than Algerine bondage. (Hear, hear.) He had pointed out to the meeting the great bastile of prejudice and oppression. He had given them a view of its dark front, its massive walls, its ponderous gates, and its wretched victims, who, through the iron grates of their cells, were making signals and uttering cries for relief! Let the people of England assail it with the bat. tle-axe of justice; let their artilleries of truth, charged to the muzzle, blaze against it; let them dig a mine under it, and prepare a train for its destruction; and soon deliverance would be given to the captives, and the prison itself would be blown into countless fragments. (Cheers.)

After Wm. Lloyd Garrison had concluded, a few remarks were made by Thompson and Paul, after which O'Connell delivered one of his characteristic speeches, in which he did not spare his republican friends in this country.


Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.


Though this doctrine does not depend, in regard to the slave holder, upon the safety of immediate emancipation, nor, in regard to the non-slave-holder, on the prospect of accomplishing any abolition at all upon the commands of God, yet I shall attempt to establish it upon those lower grounds. I am willing to rest the cause on the truth of the following propositions.

2. The firm expression of an enlightened public opinion, on the part of non-slave-holders, in favor of instant abolition, is an effectual, and the only effectual means of securing abolition in any time whatsoever.

1. Immediate abolition is safe.

Were I speaking to a Christian public, who believed half they professed, I would not insult them by a labored argument on this point. It would be enough to have shown that emacipation is the duty of slave-holders, to arouse these Christians to plead the cause of the oppressed, the Christians of this age, must have not only a even at the peril of dungeons and gibbets. But "thus saith the Lord," but a guarantee-safe as of the duty shall not injuriously affect certain a real estate mortgage-that the performance temporalities, which, taken together, little and great, are supposed to make up the public weal. last distress, the public safety is the paramount No matter how many millions writhe in the claim, the supreme law, and of this public safety, not God, but the public, is to judge. With a thorough going Christian of the apostolic school, what ever is right, is of course expedient; but with the modern baptized "gnat strainer and camel swallower," nothing is right, which cannot be expediency. For the special benefit of such, I wire-drawn through his own apprehension of proceed to this argument.

BY ELIZUR WRIGHT, JR. Immediate Emancipation. Since I have shown so little respect for a scheme considered by the bulk of Christian com- || munity, as the last resort, and the only hope against the system of slavery, it may be expected that I should point out something better. The expectation is reasonable and shall not be disap- 1. The instant abolition of the whole slave pointed. Under the government of God, as system is safe, and the substitution of a free laexhibited in this world, there is but one remedy | bor system is safe, practicable and profitable. for sin, and that is available only by a repentance, evidenced by reformation. There is no such thing as holding on to sin with safety. It is not only to be renounced, but the very occasions of it are to be avoided at whatever sacrifice. If thy right hand cause thee to offend, cut it offif thy right eye pluck it out. The dearest human relationships are to be broken through when they interfere with the relation which a man bears to God, and through him to his rational creatures. This being the case, we might naturally expect that the entire agency which God has provided to reclaim the world should be adapted to produce immediate repentance. It certainly is so, if we take the testimony of the Bible. When the Apostle of the Gentiles attacked idolatry, he said, "The times of this ignorance God winked at, (that is, used no special agency to prevent it,) but now commandeth all men every where to repent. The living ministry, instituted by the author of Christianity; and propagated from age to age, was designed to reform and save the world by preaching repentance-immediate, thorough repentance.-, When it gives up this message, whatever other means it may use, it does any thing but reclaim men from sin. Throughout all the recorded messages of God to men, he expresses the utmost abhorrence of sin—there is no compassionate promise even, which is not based upon the condition that sin be forsaken as an abominable evil. The entire and total wickedness of men, is the subject of the first paragraph in every exposition of Gospel grace. Those men who are so excessively cautious not to disturb prejudice, who would remove sin while the wicked are asleep, stealing around the bed and affecting a reformation beforehand, so that the sinner may repent at his leisure without hindrance when he wakes, derive their authority elsewhere than from the word of God, as indeed they must derive their hope of success elsewhere than from the natural history of man. The doctrine of the immediate abolition of slavery asks no better authority than is offered by scripture. It is in perfect harmony with the letter and spirit of God's word.

The doctrine may be thus briefly stated. It is the duty of the holders of slaves immediately to restore to them to their liberty, and to extend to them the full protection of law, as well as its control. It is their duty equitably to restore them those profits of their labor which have been wickedly wrested away, especially by giving them that moral and mental instruction-that education, which alone can render any considerable accumulation of property a blessing. It is their duty to employ them as voluntary laborers, on equitable wages. Also, it is the duty of all men to proclaim this doctrine-to urge upon slaveholders immediate emancipation, so long as there is a slave to agitate the consciences of tyrants so long is there a tyrant on the globe.

The immediate abolition of slavery is safe, because without giving to slaves any motives to injure their masters, it would take away from them the very strong ones which they now have. Why does the white mother quake at the rustling of a leaf? Why, but that she is conscious that there are those around her, who have been deeply enough provoked to imbrue their hands in her blood, and in that of her tender infant at her breast? And this, while all is cringing servility around her while every want is anticipated, and the most menial services are performed with apparent delight. But well she knows, that it is a counterfeited delight. Well enough she knows, that were she subjected to the same degradation to which she subjects others, vengeance would fire her heart, and seek the first occasion to do its fellest deed. All the instincts of animal nature cry out, that oppression is dangerous; the natural history of man cries out that there is a point, beyond which endurance would be miraculous.

But the slaves are now, not only under the motives common to humanity, to throw off their yoke, but they are urged on by the boasts and taunts of their masters. They must either yield up every pretension to manhood, and contentedly think themselves brutes, or they must apply to themselves, and be aroused to action, by those panegyrics on liberty, and that proud contempt of slavery, which meet them on every side. No matter how many laws may be thrown around

Fiat Justitia Ruat Cœlum.

the slave to keep out every ray of knowledge- || motives to rid themselves of your yoke, that you may prevent the knowledge of letters-you your knees smite together in spite of the boasted may withhold the book of God, and every other stoutness of your hearts. Go on, then, refuse to rinted book-but you can no more shut out emancipate, add insult to injury-add stings to ʼn knowledge of the fundamental propositions of desperation-make death easier than bondagehuman rights, by laws-you can no more shut for, in so doing, you assuredly hasten the day, but the spirit of liberty, than you can, by law, when the American bill of rights shall mean cause the sun not to shine, or the rain not to fall. what it says. The masters, in all their movements, their celebrations, their elections, their orations and conversations, on all occasions-are living and breathing_sermons to the slaves, on the value of liberty. Does a tyrant, as for example the autocrat of all the Russias, who wishes to keep all his subjects quiet, harangue, in their hearing, on the value of his own liberty to do as he pleases-does he contemn those who have the meanness to submit to his despotism? Or, does 'he speak of his love for his people, as having induced him to take this course or that? and attribute all his actions to an ardent devotion to the public weal? Manifestly, the latter. Why, you might as well think of keeping powder for ever amidst the sparks in a black-smith's shop, as of keeping slaves for ever in such a republic as ours. It is said, and with evident truth—|| educate the slaves, and they are free. The slaveholding legislatures, aware of this, and alarmed at some feeble individual attempts to communi cate knowledge to the slaves, as if the universal (prejudice and despotic power of the individual masters were not sufficient to represne evil, have enacted LAWS AGAINST TEACHING THE SLAVES

TO READ. This is a most capital blunder. It gives ominous pledge, that such tyranny as theirs is soon to be swept from the face of the earth; had they let the matter alone, or had they made laws in favor of educating slaves, about as operative as the school laws of some of the states, the effectual degree of ignorance might have been secured. But they have, in effect, taught the slaves, in language which they can understand, what letters are good for—what printed books can do 1 for men. And there will now be a desire to learn letters, and to read printed books, which the inquisitorial power and skill of all the popes could not repress. It might as well be expected to keep the ocean from wetting its shores, as to keep the floods of printed books from reaching the slave population.

There is another very striking point of view in which these movements may be regarded. So long as the slaves are left entirely to the control of individual masters, some kind and lenient, freeing now and then a slave, and promising freedom to others, and exercising a sort of patriarchal authority, while others are, each in his own way, more harsh and severe, the unity of the slaves, as a body is broken. They have no common cause. Every conspiracy will be detected early, by means of those who, being kindly treated, have a blind attachment to their masters. But these legislative enactments are a common oppression. They form the slaves into a single body, give them a common interest, and break the claim of individual kindness, as well as attach, in the view of the slaves, an immeasurable importance to a knowledge of letters. Go on, then, tyrants-connect into one mine the explosive materials beneath you-dry the powder-increase the pressure-lay trains of the best fulminating mixtures, and wait for the spark, or the blow that is to annihilate you. Already have your abused, outraged vassals such

But if you recoil at the prospect-if sanity has not yet bid adieu to your heads, and the milk of human kindness is not quite dried up from your breasts-look at the other side. Immediate emancipation would reverse the picture. It would place a motive to love you in the room of every one which now urges the slaves to hate you. They would then become, for you well know how grateful they are for even the slightest favors, your defenders instead of you murderers. The law which now represses their crimes, would then more effectually secure their good behaviour, not being counteracted by the exasperating influence of individual, irresponsi ble oppression. Your fields which now lie sterile, or produce but half a crop, because the whip of the driver, although it may secure its motion, cannot give force to the negro's hoe, would then smile beneath the plough of the freeman-the genial influence of just and equitable wages. Mark, that I say nothing of the amount of human happiness which might be reared by Christian instruction on this ground of justice, mercy and equal rights applied to 2,000,000 of men. Your own estate would be worth double the cash. The capital which you have expended in slaves-scarcely less than the value of your land-is sunk; for your slave labor after all costs more than free. And besides, the waste arising from involuntary labor is prodigious. Make all labor free, and the purchaser can afford to pay for your land what he must now pay for your land and slaves together. Even in a pecuniary point of view the change from the slave to the free labor system would be profitable, and that upon your own comparison.*

Do you say these are idle speculations of men who know nothing of facts-the dreams of visionary enthusiasts? Do you say the remedy would be worse than the disease? that violence, rapine, murder-nay, universal massacre, would be the consequence of universal, immediate emancipation? Gentlemen, you mistake us much and our argument more. We are matterof-fact people, and on the ground of well attested, unmagnified, undistorted facts, we defy you. Show us the stain of a single drop of any master's blood shed by any emancipated slave! Why silent? Why dumb? Why no motion of the finger ?-Do you at length venture to point us to St. Domingo? It is too late. We have a better edition of the history of St. Domingo than yours, and one which you dare not impugn. The blood of the whites shed in St. Domingo was due either to the civil wars which preceeded the act of emancipation, or to the unrighteous attempt of the French to reduce the negroes to slavery after they had quietly enjoyed their liberty for SEVERAL YEARS. Not one drop of it was shed by that act which in a moment made 500,000 freemen of as many slaves. Nay, it is testified by French proprietors themselves, that

*See the "West India Question, by C. Stuart," where this subject is admirably discussed and for ever settled.

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Fiat Justitia Ruat Colum.

the negros, without a known exception, went directly to work for their former masters, on wages and even without wages or overseers they quietly cultivated those plantations which had been deserted by the whites. St. Domingo is a blazing beacon in favor of instant abolition, and against that monstrous infatuation and fiendish cruelty, which would attempt to repress the upward tendencies of the human soul by brute force.

In the French colonies of Gaudaloupe and Cayenne, the slaves were liberated at once and with the same safety. Mexico made her slaves free at a blow-but with the galling drawback that the masters should be renunerated for their loss!! and yet we have heard of no evil consequences.


Large bodies of slaves were emancipated at once, in Columbia, during the revolution-no || blood was shed but that of the enemies of the republic. There are 600,000 enfranchised Afri- || cans in Brazil, diffused throughout the body politic, enjoying its honors as well as doing its labors who are respected and happy-no blood shed. In the colonies of Sierra Leone and Liberia, it is notorious that considerable bodies of emancipated slaves have been incorporated into regular governments-and under very unfavorable circumstances.

Esq., says, "Let them [the free blacks] be mal
treated ever so much, the law gives them no re-
dress unless some white person happen to be
present to be a witness in the case.
If they
acquire property, they hold it by courtesy of
overy vagabond in the county; and sooner or
later are sure to have it filched from them.*

But what if it were true, that the free black at the South is more miserable than the slave? It would be no argument against that sort of emancipation for which we plead. We plead for no turning loose, no exile, no kicking out of house and home, but for complete and hearty JUSTICE. Justice requires the masters who have shut out the light of knowledge from their slaves, should now freely communicate it; that" they should follow up their acts of emancipation by giving employment and affording the means of education. A wise and vigorous system of free labor, and of primary instruction, should be immediately erected on the dark pile of oppres şion, which we urge them instanly to demolish. Nothing like this has been done heretofore, either at the South or the North, on any extensive and liberal scale. Is it a wonder then, that these poor enslaved men, when thus turned adrift, have in so many instances missed the path of moral and mental improvement? Is it not rather marvellous that they have not sunk, as a class, deeper in vice than we find them? We hold the masters bound, individually and in the aggregaterrst to LIBERATE and then to ENLIGHTEN the IMMORTAL MINDS that have been abused and debased by their avarice and lust! JUSTICE hitherto has been clogged, defaced, mutilated; but the day of her power rolls on.-Her sun is above the horizon!

I might fill a volume with instances, but I repeat it, we are not only matter-of-fact people, but we enjoy a complete monopoly of facts; that is to say of all past facts, for of the future we say nothing, any more positively than we would predict the sun's rising to-morrow. We would speak modestly here, and say, that inasmuch as the sun has slways risen once in twenty-four hours, the probability is, to our minds, that he Shame on you, proprietors of men! Do not will rise again to-morrow. Those may doubt add to your inhuman cruelty the useless hypoour prediction who please. Just this and no- crisy of professing to wish the free blacks away thing more we would say in favor of immediate, for their own good! Say, in plain English, for unprepared for emancipation. We know it al- we cannot be much longer deceived, that your ways has been safe, and we confidently expect it sole object is to rid yourselves of colored freewill always be so. If such emancipations as I dom, lest your slaves should be provoked to think have referred to, in most or all of which justice themselves men, and discover that they too have was hampered and partial, were safe and happy, rights. Shame on you too, benevolent colinizers! I beg to be told whether a complete and magnani- Do not add to your unchristian prejudice the mous act of justice on the part of our own coun- gratuitous sycophancy of doing their foulest try, by which the slaves should be placed under deeds for men-stealers! Say in plain English, the equitable government and firm protection of for it will be believed whether you say it or not, law, and by which the balm of our disabused bill that you succumb to arrogance, and are recreof rights, should be applied to their lacerated feel-ants to the Master in whose name you have been ings, would result in ruthless violence and butch-baptized. ery! He who can be persuaded of any such thing-nay, he who can fancy it must be something else than a natural fool-he must have been stultified by inoculation.

Holders of stolen men! do you still point us to the degraded free blacks of the South, and say they are more miserable than the slaves? We deny the assertion. We appeal to yourselves whether there be any suffering even unto death which you would not endure rather than be slaves-rather than to be fed and fattened slaves -rather than to wear a single link of the slave's chain-rather than to submit to slavery even in the abstract principle, apart from all matters of reality. But granting the assertion to express a fact. You are not the men to plead it. You have made this fact with your own blood-stained hands-made it for the very purpose of disparaging the slave's freedom in the view of the slave, and the view of the world! This shall be proved from your own lips. J. A. M'Kinney,

If, after reading these thoughts, any candid mind should feel a lingering doubt whether emancipation, instant and unconditional, be safe, I beg such a mind to hold its decision in suspence till further facts, which have been unaccountably shut out from the public eye, are brought forward, which, I trust, will be at no distant day.

*See his speech in the African Repository See also Mr. Broduax's speeches before the Virginia legislature, and Mr. Archer's speech before the American Colonization Society.


The Pottawattamie Indians have ceded all their lands on the west side of Lake Michigan, &c. being about 5,000,000 acres, and have agreed to move west of the Mississippi within three years.

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