however, it only occasioned a mortality of 144 persons, and then died out it was fondly hoped forever.

Six years elapsed.

During this period the pestilence paused, strangely, on the western skirt of Europe. No quarantine was enforced; no obstacle was opposed to the streams of human intercourse flowing westward from the infected places. The plague seemed to be exhausted, and the alarm which its proximity had excited soon ceased and was forgotten. In the summer of 1829 it again gave signs of its existence in unabated malignity on the western boundary of Europe. It broke out at Orenburg, a town on the Tartar frontier, 400 miles up the river Oural, which extends northward from the Caspian Sea, whose shores the disease had ravaged in 1823. In Orenburg, and in the surrounding province, a tenth of the inhabitants were seized and about a fourth of the smitten perished. This second warning renewed for a moment the forgotten fears of the Europeans. But no measures were taken to resist the impending pestilence.

With the subsidence of the disease during the winter the apathy of Europe returned. No steps were taken to abate the filth and misery of their overcrowded towns. Their grave-yards, their slaughter-houses, their reeking cesspools, still loaded with putrid steam and stagnant air; and their squalid populations, with blood already half corrupted and fevered, were suffered to lie strewn in the path of the epidemic, like prey in the path of a lion.

Next year, in 1830, during the heats of July, the smoldering pestilence broke out again in Persia; again crept along the western shore of the Caspian, infecting Saliany at the mouth of the Kur, Astrachan at the mouth of the Volga, and many intermediate towns. But this time it spread westward along the valley of the Kur to Tifflis, which it reached and ravaged within a month. It also ran westward into Caucasia along the rivers Terek and Kuma. And from Astrachan it ran in 21 days 400 miles up the Volga to Saratoff, where it destroyed within a month 2,367 persons. From Saratoff it continued rapidly to ascend the Volga toward Moscow, where next month (September 14, 1839) two or three cases were reported.

The Emperor of Russia now became alarmed. He threw a cordon sanitaire round Moscow, established a strict quarantine at its gates, and enjoined a careful isolation of the sick. In spite of these measures the disease spread rapidly, attacking chiefly the squalid inhabitants of a low lying triangular island, formed by two branches of the river, connected by a canal. Here, in six weeks, above 3,000 persons perished. In the height of the panic, while the town was strictly isolated, and the disease universally believed to be contagious, the Emperor Nicholas came himself to Moscow, to raise the spirits of his subjects, by showing himself ready to partake of their danger. It is impossible not to admire the personal gallantry of such conduct. It does not, however, appear that the power of the autocrat was exerted to cleanse the Augean filth of which he boldly braved the perilous effects. The disease continued to ascend to the north west, spreading from the Caspian to the Baltic at such a rate as would have infected all Europe in three months. Considerable apprehensions prevailed; but in our great ciries, the dead were buried

as usual among the living; still men were content to live surrounded by the offal of slaughter houses; and then, as now, they continued to breathe the exhalations of black ditches, of open gully holes, and of noisome tanks, brimming with accumulated ordure.

The results of their supineness soon appeared.

While the Cholera was thus ascending the Volga to Moscow, and thence to Petersburg and the shores of the Baltic, it also spread down the river Don to the borders of the Black Sea, reaching Odessa and the mouth of the Danube soon after its outbreak in Moscow. The pestilence now made its way across the continent by several parallel streams. Along the valley of the Danube it spread to Vienna, which it reached in August, 1831. Along the shores of the Baltic, it crept from Petersburg by way of Riga and Stettin, to Berlin, where also it appeared in 1831. An intermediate stream reached Warsaw and Cracow in the same year, and ravaged many towns of Poland. The Polish army are said to have taken the disease during a battle with the Russians, as the Turks had previously become infected during a conflict with the Persians.

From these principal streams the infection was diffused along the roads and rivers throughout Austria, Hungary, and Germany, till, among other places, it reached Hamburg in the autumn of 1831.

Reverting for a moment to the east, we find Egypt attacked in the some year, (1831,) the disease having been brought to Cairo by the pilgrims returning from Mecca, which had itself been infected by worshippers arriving from the tainted ports of Persia and India. At Mecca 20,000 of the pilgrims perished in four days; and at Cairo the mortality was so terrible that even the physicians perished, and the hospitals were filled with shrieking wretches, dying without aid.Constantinople had already, two months earlier, been entered by a pestilential stream, branching southward from that which we have already traced along the shores of the Black Sea and of the valley of the Danube, for on its westward progress through Europe to the point at which we left it, (Hamburg.) the pest disseminated its virus to these and many other towns which our limits oblige us to pass unnoticed.

It was early in October, 1831, that Hamburg was attacked. On the 20th of the same month the disease broke out at Sunderland, on our Eastern coast, brought thither, it is supposed, by an infected vessel from Hamburg.

At that time, strangely enough, France was still uninfected, as also was the Spanish and Italian Peninsulas. Almost simulteously with its appearance at Sunderland, the disease broke out in London among the shipping in the Thames, though not one of the intervening towns had as yet taken the infection. Four months afterward (in February, 1832,) Edinburg was attacked, and a few weeks later the disease appeared in Dublin. It spread gradually throughout Great Britain and Ireland, and destroyed about thirty thousand per

sons.

Calais and Paris were affected nearly simultaneously in March, 1832; not, therefore, as might have been expected, by propagation of the disease from Germany along the Rhine, but obviously by a reverted stream from England. From these centres, the epidemic

spread through France, sometimes from town to town, sometimes apparently by leaps, to distant and isolated points. The mortality in this country was much greater than in Britain; Paris alone losing upward of 18,000 souls.

Three months later (June, 1832,) the pestilence appeared at Quebec. In the same month it broke out at New York, and spreading rapidly, ravaged nearly the whole American continent.

While the western stream of virus was thus rapidly completing the circuit of the globe, a reflux current travelling slowly from England in a south easterly direction, attacked Lisbon and Madrid in 1833, spread during 1834 throughout the peninsula, infecting the British garrison at Gibraltar, penetrated in 1835 to Piedmont, Genoa, and Florence, (which the Alps, it would seem, had previously protected,) reached Naples in 1836, and Rome in 1837.

At Naples, a rigorous quarantine proved utterly ineffectual. The city was surrounded with military cordons; the smitten were positively torn from their beds, and isolated in a distant hospital; the physicians traversed the streets, covered from head to foot in black sacks of waxen canvass; with glasses inserted to see through. These terrific measures spread such a panic among the inhabitants that 30,000 fled in a few days; the populace, declaring the food to be poisoned, began to rise; the King found it necessary for their pacification to walk through the most infected streets, to partake of the suspected bread, and to suspend the obnoxious quarantine regulations.

Marseilles and Toulon, which had escaped, strangely enough, when France was first overrun, were attacked by the retrograde current in 1835; and from those ports the disorder was carried to Algiers, which it ravaged in 1836, and whence it spread along the northern coast of Africa. In the same year (18 7) Malta was attacked most severely, losing in 12 weeks 3,784 persons out of a population of 103,344. Here the disease seems to have become evanescent.

From this rapid outline, it will be seen that the Cholera of 1831, in its course to England, had three periods of active progress, separated by two pauses. Two years it took to overrun India; two to pass through Persia to the Caspian Sea; and two to spread through Central Europe to Great Britain. During two years, it paused in its career on the western boundary of Hindostan; during six it smoldered on the eastern verge of Europe. The two southern peninsulas of Europe, isolated in a great measure by the Alps and the Pyrenees, enjoyed a further special respite; nor was it till twenty years after its outbreak in Bengal, that this terrible plague had fetched the compass of the habitable globe. In its westward progress, the disease was observed to have added to its former terrors a new and most destructive feature-the consecutive fever, of which thousands perished after surviving the stage of collapse.

After lingering in each country attacked for two or three years after the date of its arrival, the Cholera subsided in Europe. In India, however, it became endemic, raging yearly for a period of several months, and yearly exciting the liveliest apprehensions, lest it should burst its bounds and again overshadow the whole earth.—

Nothing, however, was done to prevent a second invasion, or to meet it, if it should occur. The track of Cholera had been abundantly proved to be that of Typhus, both diseases attacking especially persons debilitated by overwork, insufficient diet, damp, crowded lodging, and close mephitic air. Every where the squalid abodes of the poor and their miserable inmates had been the chief seats and sub. jects of the disease. Yet the filth of London was left to ferment in its 300,000 cesspools; the foul tidal ditches of Bermondsey, Shoreditch, and Lambeth, still loaded with their stench the stagnant air; and every year 40,000 more corpses were added to the sodden mass of putrescence on which our metropolis stands. And what is true of London is true also of Moscow and Petersburg, of Berlin, Vienna, and Paris; of Lisbon, Madrid, and Rome. Every where apathy and indolence followed on the subsidence of panic.

Of that apathy and that indolence Europe is at this moment suffering the consequences. The pestilence now raging has pursued with but little deviations, the track of its predecessor, travelling, however, more rapidly and committing fiercer ravages than before. Many cities-as, for instance, Petersburg and Berlin-were attacked at the same season, and even in the same month, in 1847, as in 1830. The same streets-nay, the very same houses-that suffered most severely before, are suffering most severely now; and towns which, like Bermingham, escaped in 1830, are again enjoying a similar immunity.

THE BIBLE IN GIRARD COLLEGE.

ONE of the orphans who are being educated in this Institution, having died, his funeral was attended in a religious manner, a portion of the scriptures being read, a hymn sung, and an address delivered, closing with a prayer by the Hon. Joseph Chandler, during which, says one of the daily papers, there was not a dry eye in the assembly. All this seems rather counter to the will of Girard.

The New York Recorder appropriately remarks on these facts as follows:

It is generally known, that by the will of Stephen Girard, 'no clergyman, missionary, or ecclesiastic,' of any creed or shade, is permitted to pass through the gates or tread the soil within the college enclosures. This contemptible, anti-republican, infidel prescription is carried out, perhaps necessarily by the directors of the institution. They appear, however, determined to show how much of religious instruction they can impart, and how many religious ceremonies they can observe, without the benefit of clergy. So far, I am inclined to think, the devil has cheated himself by this suggestion; and the very controversy excited by this clause of the will has determined the directors to give even a more prominent place to religious instruction and observances, than would have been done, had there been no restrictions. The Bible is read every morning, and the duties of the day commenced by prayer. It is the same in

the evening. The Sabbath is devoted to religious instruction, and sermons are regularly preached to the children by laymen. We are delighted to learn that a most excellent religious influence is exerted in forming the character of the pupils.

REMARKS.

When the will of Mr. Girard was first published, some 10 or 12 years since, his rigid exclusion of the clergy from all connection with his projected college, was commented on by the senior editor of the Harbinger. It was at that time remarked that this exclusion did not extend to the Bible, and that the moral culture insisted upon in the will as an essential part of the business of the institution, necessarily required the introduction and use of the Scriptures.

It will be remembered that when Mr. Bache was shortly afterwards deputed to visit the schools and colleges of Europe, in order to gain an accurate knowledge of their method of instruction, discipline, &c., he was required, by those to whom the execution of the will was entrusted, to ascertain carefully the results of any attempts to effect moral improvement without the Scriptures, and the prevailing sentiment of teachers as to its practicability founded upon their experience. To these inquiries Mr. Bache received but one unvaried reply: That the use of the Bible was indispensable in moral instruction and culture, and that all the attempts made to accomplish these ends without it had utterly failed.

Such, indeed, has been ever the experience of the world. Every system of morals which men have sought to introduce without the sanctions of divine revelation has been found to be without efficacy or power. And the deficiency has not been in the moral precepts themselves: for the moral truths inculcated by the Grecian and Roman philosophers are admirahle, and many of them approach closely, in their expression, to the leading doctrines of the divine morality. Pittacus of Mitylere said to his disciples, six hundred years before Christ, "Do not that to your neighbor which you would take ill from him." This is a very near approach to the great universal precept: "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also even so to them." Again, Cicero declares: "It is better to suffer an injury than to do one". -a sentiment which contains much of the spirit of the Christian morality, though certainly inferior to the injunctions, "Love your enemies; do good to them that hate you,' &c. Yet it is evidently the example of the divine philanthropy which could alone furnish the basis of this loftier doctrine. When, indeed, we peruse some of the conceptions of the ancients, and consider their elevated views of morality in a theoretic sense, we