consequence of cool and deliberate reflection on the subject, when contemplated abstractly and without regard to actual occurrences; but it has been powerfully corroborated by the developements which have already attended the efforts of the licentious and misguided fanaticism now in progress. But a short time has elapsed since all of us were permitted to worship God undisturbedly in our own sanctuaries, under our own vine and fig-tree-since we were protected in the enjoyment of civil privileges, and allowed a common participation with our white brethren, in many of the comforts of domestic life. Now, in many sections of the country, both north and south of us, our congregation for religious exercises is either prohibited altogether, or watched with a jaundiced eye; the civil blessings with which we were measurably favoured are denied or restricted; our most innocent actions are exposed to the scrutiny of suspicion; and our homes and firesides threatened with ruin.

"Influenced by these considerations, and determined by the harmless rectitude of our deportment to manifest our heartfelt and unconquerable abhorrence of the atrocious attempts of mistaken, hotheaded zealots to plunge the country into anarchy and discord, and to deluge it with torrents of blood, we do hereby sacredly pledge ourselves not to receive any of the vile, mischievous, and incendiary publications, now so industriously scattered abroad; to arrest the circulation of such as may come under our observation-of which we respectfully ask the postmasters to take notice-and to destroy them without perusal; and, in fine, by every effort within our power, to put a period to the operations of this engine of bloodshed and torture. We do most earnestly entreat those over whom we have any control or influence, either officially or as friends, to co-operate

with us in the suppression of this most pernicious —this fatal evil to lend their most ardent and cheerful endeavours to prevent the diffusion of a spirit of insubordination and rebellion. And being fully persuaded that our opinions faithfully and truly reflect those of the church to which we are attached, we do most unfeignedly and anxiously beseech those engaged in the propagation of abolition principles, and the distribution of abolition tracts, periodicals, and pamphlets, to abstain from their unasked and unwelcome interference in our concerns, and if they have a spark of compassion, sympathy, or philanthropy in their bosoms, to permit us to enjoy our existence in security and peace."

To this eloquent and affecting appeal-this pathetic detail of the sufferings visited upon the blacks of the South, by the sinister efforts of their false friends-the abolitionists alone could be insensible. Careless of the consequences, they go on, The union of the States may be sundered by their madness—still they persist; the afflicted patriots of their country beseech them to forbear-but they heed it not; the unhappy objects of their affected benevolence implore them to desist-but onward still, over the trampled constitution, the peace, the hopes, and the happiness of their country, they stride forward to their object. Such is their philanthropy.

*

* A late number of the Emancipator contains the following article. It will be seen that the abolitionists are aware of the dreadful consequences of their policy-but are determined to persevere in it. It will be seen also that while they acknowledge the calamitous tendency of their course, their only response is "Let them drive out missionaries and schoolteachers-bury the key of knowledge-double the fetters, and lengthen the lash." Such is their kindness and affection for the slaves. Their direct aim is also acknowledged to be, not to convince the slave-holder, but to excite others against him. "To use this very madness and cruelty of the slave-holder as

They would wade to their purpose through a sea of kindred blood-cheer on the hell-hounds of civil war, and in their horrible triumph, while the shrieks of an expiring land ring in their ears, wave above the scene the crimson and reeking banner of Philanthropy!

an argument to rouse the Christian world against the sin of slavery."

"The fruits of Abolitionism.-Some enemies of immediate emancipation, with great apparent delight, point us to the present state of the South. There,' say they, we told you so. See the masters exasperated, and recanting all their purposes of ultimate emancipation. See the slave bound in double fetters. See the free coloured man persecuted, and trembling with fear of banishment or death. See the schools for the coloured people all shut, and the last rays of hope and knowledge blotted out together. See every Northern man who had visited the South on an errand of mercy, fleeing for his life. This is the fruit of your labours.'

"Some, we can hardly call them friends of the oppressed, may be persuaded by such arguments to give over. They may say, 'We have borne our testimony, but it is of no avail; now, therefore, let us wash our hands of the guilt, and leave the slave-holders to themselves.' Not so, brethren-we have more to do. Thousands of prayers are going up to God daily, from those who in the midst of slavery, have not bowed the knee to Baal, for our perseverance. Let them drive out missionaries and school-teachers-bury the key of knowledgedouble the fetters, and lengthen the lash. Let them destroy or banish every man who will not receive on his forehead the brand of the monster-perpetual slavery.—What is the language of God's providence to us? Clearly this: To use this very madness and cruelty of the slave-holders as an argument to rouse the Christian world against the SIN OF SLAVERY."

CHAPTER XVII.

Course of the abolitionists a violation of the Constitution-An infraction of the rights and the laws of the South, &c.

IN discussing the subject of Domestic Slavery in this country, it is proper that we should refer specially and distinctly to the sovereign rights of the Southern states on this question and all minor questions arising from it. It is, however, scarcely necessary to prove what is not doubted, or to urge the truth of assertions which no individual in the country will venture to deny.

The rights of the South do not exist under, but over, the Constitution. They existed before this Government was called into being. The Constitution is rather sanctioned by them, than they by the Constitution. Had not that instrument admitted the sovereignty of those rights, it would never have itself been admitted by the South. It bowed in deference to rights older in their date, stronger in their claims, and holier in their nature, than any which the Constitution of the confederacy can boast.

Let no man then deceive himself. Let him not think that the rights of the South may be changed by a change of our national Constitution. Those rights are out of the reach of the nation as a nation. The confederacy may crumble to pieces, the Con

stitution may pass away-but these rights will remain unshaken-will exist while the South existsand when they fall-the South will perish with them. It will be admitted, that the states which entered into the compact of Union were possessed, individually, of full sovereignty, and were as independent of any and all earthly power as nations can be. If they were not thus sovereign and independent, they had no authority or power to enter into the articles of confederation.

It will be admitted, that in entering into this confederacy, and in adopting the Constitution of 1787, they lost none of their exclusive right of legislation on the subject of domestic slavery in their own borders, but remained, as to that question, as sovereign and independent as at first.

It will be admitted, that instead of losing any of their high and sovereign power on the subject referred to, that power was expressly reserved both in the articles of confederation and in the Constitution of the United States, and that the non-slaveholding states not only admitted and sanctioned it, but bound themselves to restore fugitive slaves from the South, and to secure a representation based upon the slave population.

It will be admitted, that the rights of the slaveholding states on the subject of slavery, have never been surrendered, never been questioned, never been weakened nor diminished; that they are, in relation to that question, what they were before they entered into the confederation, sovereign and independent; and that the non-slaveholding states are, in reference to the same question, what they were before that compact-foreign communities.

Virginia or South Carolina, then, has, in reference to the subject of slavery, no more connexion with us than Russia or Great Britain; we have no