it was debated in the present session of parliament, but in former sessions, and by reasoners on the opposite sides, in general. › Lord Grenville's motion for the second reading of the Slave-trade Abolition bill was supported by the duke of Gloucester, the earl of Sel. kirk, lord King, earl of Rosslyn, lord Northesk, the bishop of Durham, lord Holland, and the earl of Suffolk. It was opposed by the duke of Clarence, the earl of Morton, the earl of Westmoreland, lord Sidmouth, lord Eldon, and lord Hawkesbury. It was suggested, on the present subject, by lord Sid. mouth, that churches should be built for the negroes in the West-India islands, agreeably to the advice of Mr. Burke, and that they should be instructed in the morality, and also the peculiar doctrines of the Christian Religion. To Mr. Burke's advice, lord Sidmouth made an addition that merits the most attentive consideration. He recommended that the negroes should be also united by the ties of matrimony, as the first step towards civilization, and the future improvement of their condition. With these advantages, and the blessing of being protected by our laws, he thought that the time would arrive for emancipating them.*-The second reading of the bill was carried by a hundred voices against thirty-six. The report of the bill being brought up, on February 9th, lord Grenville stated, that it had been thought adviseable to fix the same period in all the clauses of the bill for the abolition of the slave-trade, namely the 1st of May next; and to introduce a proviso, allowing vessels employed in the trade, which had cleared out from the ports of this country for Africa previously to that day, to complete their cargoes in Africa, and trade with them to the West Indies, and other parts of America, until the 1st of January, 1808, at which period the trade should be finally abolished. The amendments proposed by his lord. ship were agreed to. Lord Redesdale suggested, that, as the loss of a vessel, or other unavoidable accident, might prevent the arrival of a cargo from Africa, in the West Indies, within the time limited, it might be adviseable to make an exception for such a case.--After a short conversation between the lords Redesdale, Grenville, and Stanhope, it was agreed to introduce into the bill, words excepting from its operation those cases, where the voyage to the West Indies could not be completed within the time limited, on account of capture, the loss of the vessel, or other unavoidable accident: the proof of which to lie on the party.-On the question being put for engrossing the bill, the bishop of London rose, and expatiated on the moral and religious consequences that might be expected to accrue from that salutary and The building of churches would have little effect, if they were not attended by the masters and mistresses as well as the slaves: nay, they might have a bad effect; they might appear to be thought fit places of meeting for negroes. Bur if it were possible to procure clergymen as zealous in making converts, as catholics are, or have been, the good effect would be certain. By instruction in the doctrines and precepts of Christianity, and by encouraging marriage and domestic habits and virtues, slavery was abolished in the Danish colonies, with safety and advantage. humane humane act of legislative justice. But he lamented that the number of clergymen was so small when compared with the great population of the blacks. In the island of Jamaica where there were from 2 to 300,000 negroes, there were only 20 clergymen, whose time was almost entirely taken up in religious instruction, and exhortation, adminis. tering the sacraments, and perform ing other duties of their function to the whites.---The earl of St. Vincent,, who had, on former occasions, set his face in the most decided manner, against the bill, embraced this last opportunity of entering his protest against its adoption: the conse. quences of which, he was fully persuaded, would prove fatal to the best interests of this country. As soon as France should make peace with this country, (and she would hasten a pacification in consequence of this measure), her first object would be to get complete possession of the slave-trade, and, if she succeeded in that object, it would soon appear that she had got possession of an engine that would work the downfall of the naval superiority of this country. Such was his conviction, and he uttered it now for the last time. His lordship then immediately withdrew from the house.* The different clauses of the bill were then agreed to, and the bill engrossed. Next day, February 9, the order of the day for the third reading of the Slave-trade Abolition bill being read; lord Redesdale rose,-not, he said, to detain their lordships with a speech, but to declare his conviction that the present measure would be the means of producing all the hor. rors of a revolution that could possibly be imagined. The abolition of the African trade should have gone hand in hand with the abolition of that in the West-Indies. Ilad the object of the bill been a gradual and general abolition of the slave-trade, it would have had his hearty con. currence---but he would not enter into any debate. Any attempt to withstand the present enthusiasm on the subject would be in vain. But he could not help remarking, that when a legislature acted enthusiastically, they did not always act wisely, and he did not think, that in the faithful and conscientious discharge of their duty, the opposers of this bill had much to answer for....The earl of Buckinghamshire said, that mere enthusiasm was not calculated to last for twenty years, during which period this measure had been under discussion. When a member of the house of commons in the year 1792, he had voted for a Another naval commander of still greater celebrity was as decided an antiabolitionist as lord St. Vincent, as appears from the following passage, which is part of a letter from lord Nelson, to Mr. Simon Taylor; Jamaica, dated Victory, of Martinico, June 10. "I have ever been, and shall die a firm friend to our colonial system. I was bred, you know, in the good old school, and taught to appre ciate the value of our West-India possessions, and net er in the field, nor in the senate, shall their interest be infringed, while I have au arm to fight in their defence, or a tongue to launch my voice against the damnable and ursed doctrine and his hypocritical allies, and I hope my birth in Heaven will be as exalted, as his who would certainly cause the murder of all our friends in the Colonies. I did not intend to go so far, but the sentiments are full in my heart, and the pen would write them." of VOL. XLIX. I gradual Mr. George Hibbert.-He was particularly anxious to impress on the minds of all the members, that they were not a mere comitium, or popular assembly, nor yet a mere organ of the voice of the multitude, but a deliberative body, limited in their number, that they might deliberate calmly, without any mixture of popular prejudice, enthusiasm or pas sion; bound to maintain the rights, and to consult the interests and the wishes of the people, but bound also to decide, according to their consciences, for the good of the whole, after full and free discussion....He was determined to oppose at every step, a measure which he believed to be grounded on a delusive promise of good which it would never accomplish, and to be preg. nant with inevitable, immediate, and extensive mischief. gradual abolition, conceiving that was opposed, in what is called a persons concerned in the trade ought maiden, or first speech in parliament, to have sufficient notice. Now how by ever, he had no doubt that the trade ought immediately to be abolished, not only because that trade was contrary to justice and humanity, but also because the abolition was the only means of preventing those evils which must otherwise necessarily resuit from the multiplication of slaves in the west. The duke of Norfolk approved of the bill, and expressed a confidence that the planters, by a moderate treatment of their slaves, would contribute to bring about that state of the colonies which was so much to be. desired. The earl of Westmoreland was at a loss to understand on what principle of logic it was to be proved, that if the slave-trade was contrary to justice and humanity, it was not also contrary to justice and humanity to keep the negroes who had been procured by means of the trade, in a state of perpetual slavery. Not that he was so mad as to think that freedom ought to be given to the slaves in the West-Indies, but that on the principles on which the abolition bill was now founded, emancipation ought also to follow. Lord Grenville said that in abolishing the slave.trade, justice would be done to the inhabitants of Africa, who were the parties aggrieved, but that liberty to the slaves on the Islands, would be to them, in their state of ignorance and barbarism, a baleful poison.---The bill was then read a third time, passed, and ordered to be sent to the commons, for obtain ing the concurrence of that house. Captain Herbert too thought that the abolition of the slave-trade would become the ruin of the British colonies in the West-Indies, and consequently of our finances in that part of the world. General Gascoyne also entreated the house to give the measure before them, the fullest and most serious consideration. Every measure he said, that invention or artifice could devise, had been re. sorted to on the present occasion. The church, the theatre, and the press, had laboured to create a prejudice against the slave-trade. It was not his intention, however, to speak at present on the general subject, as he should consider it as disrespectful to the lords, if any bill that came down from their house, should not at least be read a first time....Lord Howick, and Mr. W. Plumer, Plumer, declared that if any artifices had been pracised for raising a popular clamour against the slavetrade, they were wholly unknown to them. Lord Howick knew, he said, that there had been a most laudable and persevering attention on the part of the honourable gentleman (Mr. W.) with whom the measure originated. This attention, however, had never been used to mislead any one, but merely to make the matter generally understood. After a short conversation between Mr. Plumer, lord Howick, Mr. Hibbert, lord H. Petty, Mr. H. Addington, Mr. I. H. Browne, lord Temple, Mr. Tierney, and Mr. Babington, a motion for the second reading of the bill on Friday se'nnight was put and carried. On that day, February 20, lord Howick having moved the order of the day, counsel were heard against the bill, in the following order; Mr. Dallas for the merchants and planters of Jamaica; Mr. Alexander for the merchants of London, trading to Africa; Mr. Clarke for the mayor, corporation, and merchants, of Li. verpool; and Mr. Scarlett for the merchants and planters of Trinidad. The learned, counsel for Jamaica, London, and Liverpool, at the close of their respective speeches, requested that evidence might be called in, and general Gascoyne made successive motions to that effect, which were negatived with out a division. The propriety of hearing evidence was urged by Mr. Fuller, Mr. Hibbert, sir C. Pole, and Mr. Howarth. On the motion for calling in evidence being made for the first time, that is, after the conclusion of Mr. Dallas's plead. ings, lord Howick said, that not any thing the counsel had stated was new to the house, except one point, the relative situation of St. Domingo and Jamaica, and this was a matter of mere opinion. If, after so many years of inquiry, the house should still go on to investigate this subject, they would never come to a decision. Mr. Wilberforce, too, was convinced, that the house would not see any reason for further evidence, when they considered that for the last three years, both down stairs, and in committees, every spe cies of evidence had been brought and considered, that could possibly elucidate the question. Mr. Scarlett was then heard for the Island of Trinidad. He also concluded with a request that evidence should be adduced. After having retired, he was again called in on the motion of lord Howick, to state the points on which he wished that evidence should be examined. They were, in substance, the loss that would be sustained by certain persons who had been induced by the British government to become settlers. After Mr. S. had again withdrawn, Mr. Wilberforce remarked, that the present was not the proper time for hearing such evidence. If the question of compensation should be brought before the house at a subsequent period, that would be the opportunity for receiving it. A motion by Mr. Howarth that the counsel should be called in, and directed to proceed with his evidence, was opposed by lord Howick, The learned counsel, he observed, had stated two points, which he wished to establish by evidence. The first was, that no more ground could be cleared in the Island of Trinidad without a fresh importation of I 2 slaves; slaves; the second, that great loss would be sustained, from the abolition of the slave-trade by the settlers. The first was a self-evident proposition, and would lead merely to a question of policy. The second would be a question of future consideration. Those who demanded compensation, might hereafter submit their case to the house, who were never backward in listening to the claims of justice. General Gascoyne could not forbear expressing his satisfaction that the principle of indemnity seemed to be acknowledged by the noble lord. Lord H. said that he had only stated a gene ral principle. Sir P. Francis was not willing to allow the possibility of a case in which the public ought to make compensation to an individual for any losses that might arise from the abolition of such iniquitous practices. Mr. Roscoe declared, that, in his opinion, the house, after performing the great duty of abo. lishing the slave-trade, was bound to consider the situations of those who should suffer from the annihilation of a system, which, though it disgraced the land, had been so long sanctioned by the legislature. Mr. R. Thornton thought that few cases would be found entitled to compensation. Those engaged in commercial concerns, were necessarily exposed to risks, and sufficient warning had long been given to those who were engaged in the abominable traffic. Mr. S. Stanhope conceived that it wolud be convenient if the principle on which compensation would be allowed, were stated to the house before the passing of the present bill. The motion was then negatived without a division. After which, lord Howick moved the commitment of the bill, and the debate on that motion was adjourned till Monday, February 23-When, pursuant to this adjournment, Mr. Manning stated that in the event of the bill for the abolition of the slave-trade pas. sing into a law, he should move for the appointment of a committee to consider of the propriety of granting compensation to certain classes of persons, whose interests would be affected by it: he wished to ask his majesty's ministers, whether they were authorized to accede to such a proceeding? The compensation he had in view, was much more limited than might be supposed. The first class he thought entitled to this, were those who had purchased land under commissions, granted by his majesty for the sale of them. A second class, were those who had purchased lands on the faith of parlia. ment, previous to the first agitation of this question. A third class, consisted of those who had suffered in their properties, by insurrections of the negroes, or by wars or invasions on the part of the enemy. He did not propose that any compensation should be granted, except in cases where the claims should be approved of by commissioners appointed for the purpose. There were other classes of persons, whose cases, though deserving attention, he did not then think it necessary to allude to.- Lord H. admitted the candid manner in which the honourable gentleman had stated his views of the limited amount of compensations. But it was contrary to the practice of parliament, to declare, before-hand, what might be the amount of compensation, to be granted for possible losses, by proposed political regulations. This was all he could say on the subject, as he was not authorized to consent to |