but also, by expressly declaring to them, "the kingdom of God is within you." Or as in the language of the text, "My kingdom is not of this world." With a wicked consistency, they rejected both him and his saying. Thus their pride and worldly ambition deprived them of their only Savior and rightful Governor, and proved, in the end, their overthrow and disper

sion.

With less consistency, but we fear, in many instances, with no less criminality, various nations, since that time, have professedly received Christ, but rejected his saying. They acknowledge Jesus as the Messiah, but they deny, that his "kingdom is not of this world." In their zeal, and in their professed attachment for Christ, they have come, like the multitudes in the days of his flesh, to "take him by force, and make him an earthly king." They have introduced his authority into civil government, and made use of his name to serve their worldly views, and carry on their political operations. In this way, they have done great injury both to the cause of Christ and of civil government. The former has degenerated into a mere system of outward forms, superstitious rights and disgusting bigotry; the latter has become oppressive and tyrannical; lording it, not only over men's civil rights, but also, over their consciences. Against all such unholy prostitutions and sacrilegious connections, this saying of our Lord

still stands opposed. "My kingdom is not of this world."

Of this, the more judicious, among modern politicians, have become convinced: and have made some successful efforts to break this unauthorized and unholy connection, between church and state, and place each on more independent ground. In doing this however, there is great danger of varying from the true point, by passing over to the other extreme. For the mind, in its changes, is like the vibrations of a pendulum, constantly, when it has left one extreme, tending to the opposite, with a momentum proportioned to its former distance from its proper point of rest. In breaking the improper union which has existed, in most christian governments, between church and state, men are in danger of losing sight of the true relation, which exists between them. They are apt to allow religion no share, in the establishment and preservation of good civil government. On this side, our danger as a nation, lies. We have not, it is true, in rejecting from our government a national hierarchy, and all ecclesiastical establishments, rejected, like some others, Christ and his religion altogether. But it is to be feared, our politicians are not sufficiently aware how much they are indebted to Christ's kingdom, for those excellent principles which form the basis of our political fabrick; nor do they seem to be fully aware of the vast influence of this kingdom

in preserving this fabrick from ruin. The sentiment seems to be imbibed, by many, that, however true religion may be, and however good, in its place, it is of little or no use to the politician or his cause. Against this idea, as well as the opposite, the words of our text may be directed. For it is because Christ's kingdom is not of this world, in its origin, operations, influences and retributions, that it is of such eminent service, in all good governments. If it were of this world, it could only accomplish what the governments of this world can, and in the same imperfect way; but because it is not of this world, but of higher origin and nature, therefore it possesses superior advantages and superior influence to settle, regulate and enforce the mutual rights of those who govern, and of those who are governed. And on this, the well being of political society entirely depends.

To guard us against a criminal and dangerous indifference to the kingdom of Christ, in our political operations, by pointing out the proper relation between Christ's kingdom and the kingdoms of this world, so that the rights of each may be distinctly marked, their due share of independence recognized, and their alliance defined, will be the design of the present dis

course.

It must be obvious to all who pay attention to the subject, that the terms, kingdom of Christ, kingdom of Heaven, kingdom of God, as used in

the new testament, especially by the evangellists, refer primarily, to the spiritual government of Christ over the hearts of men, through the influence of that gospel of which he was the author. And when Christ says of his kingdom, "it is not of this world," he should be understood to distinguish it from the governments of this world. The object of Pilot's question seems to have been, to ascertain whether Christ was a king. And the design of the answer was, not only to affirm that he was a king, but to assert, at the same time, that his authority and government were not like those of this world. Understanding this to be the import of the text, we proceed to show, in several propositions, how Christ's kingdom is distinguished from the governments of this world; and under each proposition, notice, that this difference renders the principles of Christ's kingdom of eminent service, to the well being of political society.

1st. Christ's kingdom is not of this world, in its origin. And in this respect, it stands distinguished from secular governments. It is true, it may be said, all good governments originate from God; "for the powers that be are ordained of God." But they do not originate from God, in the same sense with the kingdom of Christ. The governments of this world grow out of the peculiar circumstances of the people, and vary according to those circumstances, in different ages and different nations. Their laws are the

enactments of men, and are executed by men; and are therefore subject to all the imperfections incident to humanity. Not so with the kingdom of Christ. Jesus, the divine Saviour, is the immediate lawgiver, the Holy Spirit is the prime minister, and all the subjects stand immediately responsible to the court of Heaven. Hence this is perfect in its nature and operations, immutable in its principles, and paramount in its obligations. And as it comes from the source of infinite wisdom, it is perfectly adapted to man's character and condition. And therefore it must, by consequence, contain in itself, all the fundamental principles for the government of man, in all the possible relations of private, domestic, social and political life. For a government, such as infinite wisdom would prescribe for man in his present state, could not fail to take cognizance, not only of the soul, in its abstract nature, but of the whole man, in his compound nature of matter and spirit, and of all the various accidents and relations, growing out of that nature. Hence we discover the vast influence this kingdom must have, where its operations are felt. But it must be allowed to operate in its own way. It can never be blended, under the administration of men, so as to be made the mere creature of secular power. To this the original dignity of Christ's kingdom will never submit. It dictates, but it will not be dictated; it regulates, but it will not be regulated. Only let this kingdom alone; throw no obstructions in