same kind going forth in all directions clothed in gravity. I have actually stopped the press to throw in this paragraph, for the sole purpose of arresting attention-of arresting attention to what we, at home, have most serious concern with. At this time, when the people of England are sinking be neath an overload of taxation, it is indeed important for them to know, that full half a million of their money is flung away upon North American colonies, and that these colonies are only wasteful, because of silliness-because of being under the governaunce of old women and babes. I had intended to treat MR. ROBERT NICHOL with a place in my Appendix. I meant to have been mild and indulgent to him; but it will not do: it is duty to be severe. Ignorance and vanity must be put down at all events. We need not proceed a step till they are put down. I shall, then, exalt MR. ROBERT NICHOL to a higher place than first intended. He shall mount from No. 2 of the Appendix; and be exhibited more conspicuously in the text of this chapter, so appropriately headed PARLIAMENT, AND THE PEOPLE. Let what is now in the printer's hands go off, and then for MR. ROBERT NICHOL'S last session of the silly PARLIAMENT of Upper Canada, and still more silly REPORT OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE.

Captain Fowler actually offered me a thousand acres of land if I would settle at Perth; and on my objecting to the lots lying asunder. "O!" said he,

"that is more in your favour, as it becomes valuable from the efforts of the other settlers;" and here indeed is the secret. It answers very well, indeed, for half-pay officers to get their 500, their 700, and their 1000 acres so located; because not one in ten of them ever cultivate their land, and if not intermixed with the farms of the poor settlers, it would never bring them a farthing. The officers let their land lie waste in lots of 100 acres or 200 acres all over the country in this way, till, by the efforts of the industrious, it fetches money to them, the drones. This is the way that Canada has been impoverished, first and last; and yet the trashy speeches from the throne go on, year after year, insulting common sense. Lord Dalhousie, the present governor-in-chief, has been trifling with agricultural societies and stuff of this sort, for years, both in Nova Scotia and Canada; while the great obstacles to improvement are untouched,— while clergy reserves, and lands gifted away to drones, render improvement almost hopeless. In his opening speech of last winter, 1820-21, to the Parliament of Lower Canada, the governor-in-chief said:

"The settlement of the waste lands is a subject to which I feel it my duty to point your attention in a particular manner. The great tide of emigration to these provinces. promises to continue, and the experience of several years has shewn the want of some measure to regulate, and give effect to this growing strength. Many of these people arrive in poverty and sickness, many also with abundant means, but the settlement of both descriptions is impeded by the want of legislative aid."

Now, what legislative aid does he want? His provincial parliament cannot do the needful-cannot get quit of a seventh part of lumber land, set aside for supporting a Protestant clergy, in a coun try where nine-tenths of the people are Roman Catholics, and quite willing to pay their clergy without government interference. Can there be any thing so monstrous as to bore the French of Lower Canada with Reserves for a Protestant Clergy? No legislative aid but that of the British parliament can set aside this curse: no legislative aid but that of the British parliament can check the governors, themselves, from marring improvement by gifting away land, in all directions, to good-for-nothing favourites and sycophants.

I have instanced my brother's ill-treatment, which was manifested at the very time that President Smith was suggesting a vote of money to pay fees for emigrants into the land offices. He had not, I am convinced, a single atom of hope that the thing could ever be thought of for a moment by the Assembly. The very idea was ridiculous; but it went to make believe that emigrants wanted such relief; whereas their great want was ready service on the part of the Land Council, and land in situations where it was possible to clear it. At this very time, when money was asked from parliament, hundreds of emigrants were going from the Province from the mere sloth and indifference of men paid salaries to give attention to business in the land-granting department.

It was by the merest accident that I remained

another week at Queenston; and that week determined a much longer stay. During that week, seriously reflecting on the usage which both I and my brother had experienced, I resolved to throw before the public a correspondence which I had carried on for near three months, with the folks of Little York, without getting the smallest satisfaction. I resolved calmly to address the President when exhibiting these letters, but several incidents occurred which really put me out of all temper towards the end of my epistle. It was now notorious that the parson of Little York had been using every effort to mar the purpose of my first address to the resident land-holders. I found other beside the Niagara Report withheld after preparation, and I had not a doubt but he had been the cause of my brother's denial of land. At this moment, when he was flying in the face of the very best interests of the province, and neglecting his duties at the Land Board, for which he was paid; at this time, when all should have been business in the capital, he advertised, in the style of a store-keeper, that the subscriber would lecture on philosophy, to get the school-house painted! My second address, too, I found was to have serious opposition, notwithstanding the great authority of Dickson in its favour. A half-pay major was my opponent; but he was evidently set on by some one deeper than himself. He carried to the Spectator Office two letters; one written by himself, weak in the extreme; another, anonymous, by a different hand, malignant and ungentlemanly. Having

seen these letters accidentally, I apprized the major that it was not fair to attack motives, and begged of him to withdraw so far, as that was illiberal. He was obstinate, however; and it was not for me to let the cat's-paw of a villain escape with impunity; and none but a villain would have written the anonymous letter. To be accused of improper motives, in writing my second address, was accusation of crime of the deepest dye-of treason. It could not be less, if my motives were impure; which they were as opposite from as day from night. If it cost me another week's delay, I was fully resolved to defend the ground which I had taken in so dread a question as that of allegiance. While my letter to the President was yet unfinished,-while the parson's busy malice, and the major's unwarrantable and low suspicions, were together on my mind, a letter from my wife. arrived from England, stating circumstances of the most serious import, and expressing such fears for my safety, as threw me into an absolute fever of care, perplexity, and feeling. I ought to have been in England by the first of October; but two months ailment had first detained me. A month after that was spent in recovering health, on an excursion in the United States. The statistical inquiries next caused delay, then Dickson's politics, and now, war. In a tumult of feeling,-in a paroxysm, I sat down to finish my letter to the President. I thought of my wife's anxiety-I thought of hundreds of emigrants who had been vexed and disappointed, and torn to pieces, by the vile,