constitution was preferable, but that no other whatever, as adapted to the genius of the people and the security of popular freedom, would bear a moment's comparison with . it. The right honourable gentleman, he observed, had intimated that he was to receive no support from him, nor from any near him, in his arguments that day. The fact was, he said, that they had not got so far into the debate that it was possible for the right honourable gentleman to have heard from him, or from any of his friends, whether they meant to support him or not. He had already declared that, for various reasons, he did not wish to enter into any discussion on the subject of the French revolution; and if, hereafter, there should appear more serious ground of apprehension that there was any design to subvert our constitution, and that ground should be stated by the right honourable gentleman, he should not only receive his warmest and most effectual support, but no gentleman, who thought as he did, he was persuaded, would refuse his support to the right honourable gentleman. He thought the right honourable gentleman entitled to the gratitude of his country, for having that day in so able and eloquent a manner stated his sense of the degree of danger to the constitution that already existed, and did assure him, that although he was of opinion that our constitution was capable of gradual and temperate melioration and amendment in some few of its principles, yet so fully and perfectly was he persuaded of its being preferable to that of any other constitution in the world, that he would cordially co-operate with the right honourable gentleman in taking every possible means to preserve it, and deliver it down to posterity, as the best security for the prosperity, freedom, and happiness of the British people. In the course of his speech, Mr. Pitt hinted that it would be impossible for them, at that late hour, to go into the discussion of the clauses of the bill.

Mr. Fox immediately rising, acknowledged that the right

honourable gentleman had given a pretty fair account of what had passed the other day upon the Quebec bill, and he was obliged to him for having explained his meaning. In the proposition of having the Council elective, rather than hereditary, he declared he did not think there was any thing like instilling republican principles into the new constitution for Canada; of which, he was satisfied, he should be able to convince the right honourable gentleman who had just sat down, as well as the right honourable gentleman near him, when they went into the debate on the clauses of the bill. When that day came, Mr. Fox said, he hoped the right honourable gentleman near him would come down to the House and join in the debate, as he was anxious to get to practice from theory; and whatever the right honourable gentleman himself might think, all his arguments that day had been mere theories, and nothing else. Mr. Fox declared he was not to be imposed on by sounds, so as to be startled at the name of republican principles: there was in our constitution something of those principles, inasmuch as that House was elective; but it was on account of the bad use of the word "republican," and the purpose to which it might be converted, that he had been anxious to have his former arguments explained. They all knew that the word "republican" was a watch-word, always unfairly applied to any man, when the object was to run him down, and exasperate the country against him. He should therefore be glad when they came into the clauses of the bill; because professions of principles were at all times odious to him; and indeed every body might know his principles from his political life, having never attempted or wished to disguise them. When, however, they came into the debate on the clauses, he should state his reasons why he preferred an elective to an hereditary Council for Canada, and he flattered himself not altogether without success.

It was then moved, "That the Chairman leave the chair, and ask leave to sit again."

Mr. Chancellor Pitt wished to know what day would be agreeable for the Committee to be resumed, and at length Wednesday next was agreed on.

The House adjourned.

Wednesday, 11th May.

The House having resolved itself into a Committee on the Quebec Bill, Mr. Hobart in the Chair,

Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved, "That the Bill be read clause by clause." He said, that he trusted it was not now necessary to read over the whole clauses, and that any gentleman would state his objections to any particular clause.

Mr. Hussey objected to the division of the provinces, stated in the bill; a measure which he considered as not suited to the purposes of legislation. He thought they all would become British subjects sooner if this division did not take place. He considered it, instead of tending to heal their differences, as calculated to preserve and inflame their animosities. Commerce was the chief point of view in which Quebec was of importance to this country. It behoved the House, therefore, to provide for that most essential object, the security of property. We ought to introduce the English commercial law, and leave the House of Assembly to make such alterations as they should find rendered expedient by their own peculiar circumstances.

Mr. Powys said that the reason of this division was stated to be to prevent feuds and divisions. But he very much doubted that the method of division, whether or not it came in the form of a declaration of his Majesty's intention, would be but ill calculated for this purpose. Mr. Fox wished to be informed of one point, which had

never been explained, and that was, whether his Majesty had a power to divide the province as was then proposed. Upon consulting the 14th George III., it appeared that the king had that authority.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt said, the point being settled that his Majesty had an authority to divide the province, the question would be whether it was fit for parliament to agree with his Majesty to establish two legislatures; and if they did not agree, they might negative the whole of the clause, and might dispose of the whole of the bill; because it proceeded all through its various clauses on the fundamental supposition of two legislatures. It appeared to his Majesty's ministers, first, that the only way of consulting the interest of the internal situation of Quebec, and of rendering it profitable to this country, was to give it a legislature as near as circumstances would admit, according to the principles of the British constitution. In the next place it appeared to them that there was no probability of reconciling the jarring interests and opposite views of the inhabitants, but by giving them two legislatures. It was conceived this form of government was best adapted to put an end to all the difficulties of a legal sort, and to render the regulations more useful to the subjects of that country. He believed that there was such a rooted opposition of interests of the one description and the other, that if there was a constitution consisting of a House of Assembly, in which the parties might be nearly balanced, the consequence, at least for a long series of years, would be a great degree of animosity, and a great degree of confusion. If one of the parties had a great ascendancy over the other, the party having the superiority was very unlikely to give satisfaction to the other party. It seemed to his Majesty's servants the most desirable thing if they could not give satisfaction to all descriptions of men, to divide the province, and to contrive that one

division should consist, as much as possible, of those who were well inclined towards the English laws, and that the other party should consist of a decided preponderancy of the ancient inhabitants, who were attached to the French laws. It was perfectly true, Mr. Pitt said, that in Lower Canada there still remained a certain number of English subjects, but these would hold a much smaller proportion than if there was one form of government for every part of the province. It was in Upper Canada particularly that they were to expect a great addition of English inhabitants. The consequence was that if it was not divided from the rest, the Canadians forming a majority of five to one, the grievance would be every year increasing in proportion as the population increased. He was ready to admit, on the other hand, that it was impossible to adopt any measure that was perfectly free from ineonvenience. The division of the province might be liable to some objections, but, on the whole, it was subject to fewer objections than any other measure, and would tend more to promote their connexion with this country, or to produce good effects.

Mr. Powys owned that he was not convinced by the right honourable gentleman's reasoning. He had allowed that in this instance the interests of one part of the inhabitants of Canada were sacrificed to those of the other. He could not give up his Majesty's declaration, of which he read some part, promising to the inhabitants of Canada the British constitution.

Mr. Burke said it was evidently the intention of his Majesty's declaration, that the laws adopted in Canada should be as nearly as possible similar to those of England. Indeed it was usual in every colony to form the government as nearly upon the model of the mother country as consistent with the difference of local circumstances. It was proper that every corporation should adopt for its own use