1846.]

Alleged Coincidence with the Hebrew Prophets.

49

or rather when he adopted that fable from Homer, he intended to pay a compliment to Augustus.

Consider now the circumstances under which the Eclogue was written. Octavius was yet very young, about twenty-three years old; not yet matured in wisdom, not yet confirmed in empire, but rising; connected with the greatest hero Rome had produced; belonging to his family and his adopted son. He had begun to favor Virgil; he was aspiring to empire, and the most auspicious prospects were opening upon him. What more natural than that Virgil, knowing the pretensions of his family, should sing his apotheosis by making him goddess-born? He has a celestial mother, probably Venus. He is a new progeny sent down from Heaven. We may compare this Eclogue with the Fifth, which is supposed to be the Apotheosis of Julius Caesar. Him the nymphs bemoan, while the mother embracing the body of her miserable son calls the stars and the gods cruel. Who is this mother? One of the critics supposes Calphurnia, his wife; absurd! Ruaeus the Jesuit says, Rome. But surely he who gave the signal Venus Genetrix, could have no other than Venus for his mother.

Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi,

Sub pedibusque videt nubes et sidera Daphnis.

I confess, I am not able to bring an exact parallel of an apotheosis shadowed forth in a mystic birth. The poem has long been considered as unique. But it seems to me that every probability conducts us to this conclusion; and it seems more probable from the fact that, if true, it would be a new proof of the delicate taste and good judgment of the most selective, if not the most original of the Roman bards.

Before closing, perhaps a word may be expected on the alleged. coincidence between this pastoral and some of the Hebrew prophecies. It struck the ancient Christians and it has struck the modern. Constantine discoursed on it; Pope expressed his astonishment; and even Lowth hardly knew what to say. For so general an impression perhaps it may be said there must be some real cause. I must confess, however, for one, that I have rather wondered at the wonderers. Is there any necessity of supposing that Virgil, either through the Sibylline verses or more directly, caught his fire from the Hebrew prophets, when the same imagery and the same impressions prevailed throughout the world? There are certain convictions which seem to be common to the Jewish and Gentile mind. First, that man is a sinner; secondly, VOL. IIL No. 9.

5

that he has degenerated from a better state; and thirdly, that he will be restored. Man has always looked back to a paradise and forward to a millennium. These impressions seem to be forced upon us from our ideas of justice and goodness in God, and from our convictions of guilt in our race. The coincidence between this Eclogue and certain passages in Isaiah is not greater than that between the chaos of Ovid and Moses, the deluge of the pagans and the Jews, the golden age of Hesiod and the history of Genesis. It is a remarkable fact that man always believes that he is a fallen creature; and always fancies himself just on the verge of the millennium. As to the imagery here used, the lion lying down with the lamb, etc., it is too natural for us to say from the closest resemblance, that it must be borrowed. If we could sweep away every vestige of antiquity, and if from the waters of oblivion a new order of bards could arise, they would express moral happiness by material figures; and it is vain to attribute that to tradition, which comes from the most established laws of human thought. It is a common inspiration; it is the everlasting voice of nature.

These observations have been read in a company of literary gentlemen; and it is due to the public to say that the writer failed of producing a conviction of the truth of his hypothesis. Several objections were urged. Some of them forcible; all of them acute and ingenious. One of the company thought, that the pagans were accustomed to a magniloquent style; at least what appears so to us; that an apotheosis was a very cheap affair; and that, therefore, such compliments paid to an expected son of Pollio, were not so inadequate as is often supposed. It appears to me, however, very clear that Augustus himself, and no son of his or any other person, is the auspicious hero of the piece. This is evident from the nature of the case; and from a comparison of the Eclogue with the passages in the sixth book of the Æneid. If this position be fixed, we seem then to be forced upon the supposition of a mystic birth. But if this should be rejected, I should be inclined to take, as second best, the opinion, that the poet, rapt above time and succession, goes back in his thoughts, and imagines himself singing his predictions over the cradle of his celestial hero. At any rate, the poem is so dark that my suggestions cannot be completely absurd.

1846.]

Early Life of Servetus little known.

51

ARTICLE IV.

LIFE AND DEATH OF MICHAEL SERVETUS.1

By R. D. C. Robbins, Librarian, Theological Seminary, Andover, Mass.

The Early Years of Servetus.

MICHAEL SERVETUS was born the same year with John Calvin (1509) at Villaneuva in Arragon. His father was a notary. Nothing is certainly known of his early education and training. It is said, that he was brought up in a cloister in his native kingdom, and although no proof of the fact is adduced, it is not improbable; for it was the custom of the time, especially in Spain, to devote children who were weak in intellect or feeble in health to the church, and Servetus' physical system was diseased. In his fourteenth year, according to his account of himself at Vienne, hẹ was taken into the service of Quintana, confessor of Charles V, who, himself a monk, probably took Servetus from the cloister. He was present at the crowning of the Emperor by the Pope at Bologna in Italy, and afterwards went in the suite of Charles V. to Germany. The splendor and parade by which the Roman Pontiff was surrounded, and the adoration which he received, exceedingly disgusted Servetus, and filled him with hatred towards the chief dignitary of the church.3

In Servetus' account of himself at the time of his trial at Geneva, he says that his father sent him to the University of Toulouse to study Law. If so, and there are some indications of knowledge of Law in his writings, he must have gone there immediately after his journey to Italy. At that University he probably first learned to read the Bible in the original languages, and acquired more familiarity with the dogmas of the Reformation, for he shows in his first work, published soon after, that he was no stranger to them. The question has been much discussed, wheth

1 Based chiefly on Henry's "Leben Johann Calvins des grossen Reforma'tors," Vol. III. pp. 95-276

2 He himself, says Henry, speaks of a "doppelten Bruchschaden und dass er zur Ehe untachtig gewesen." III. 107.

The following language is found in his Restitutio in reference to the pope on this occasion: O bestiam bestiarum sceleratissimam, meretricum impudentissimam, etc., p. 462.

er his first tendencies to heresy took their origin at this time, or were imbibed in Italy or Germany. But it is a question of little importance in respect to our present purpose. He was a freethinker by nature, and could not have lived anywhere without exhibiting his peculiar characteristics.' The similarity of the circumstances of the early life of Servetus and John Calvin, is not more striking than the diversity of their developments. They both began their course with the study of Law, but Servetus at the same time turned his attention to astrology, and rejected with contempt the philosophy of Aristotle. But the desire to promote a reformation in the world, gave him no rest. He read the works of most of the church fathers, especially those who lived before Arius. In Tertullian and Irenaeus he thought he found the true Christian doctrine. He also turned his attention to the Catholic writers of the middle ages, and made himself acquainted with the works of the German reformers, which were extensively circulated in France. As the result of these studies, he renounced popery as a whole, but thought that the reformers had but half accomplished their work. A passage in his treatise on Justification probably gives a correct view of his position at this time: "I hold neither with the Catholics nor Protestants in all things, nor am I opposed to them. Each of them seems to me to have a part of the truth mingled with error. Each looks at the wrong views of the other and sees not his own. God grant, through his compassion, that we may know our errors and be free from stubbornness. It would be easy to distinguish truth from error, if it were allowed to speak freely, so that all might exert themselves to prophesy; if the ancient prophets [i. e. the teachers of the Catholic and Protestant church] would subject themselves to those of modern times [i. e. Servetus], and be silent, whilst these spoke what was revealed to them.-The Lord destroy all the tyrants of the church."

When Servetus went to France, he laid aside the name of Servetus and took that of Reves. The reasons for this change are variously given by his friends and enemies. He, however, did not long find Toulouse a place of safety for one adopting his views, and exercising the freedom of expression which he desired. He therefore went to Basil where Zuingli's dogmas had been embraced, in order to submit his own plans for the reformation of the church to Oecolampadius. But his impudent manner, as well

1 See Mosheim, Gesch. des M. Serveto S. 9, and M'Crie's Hist. of Reform. in Italy, p. 178.

1846.]

His View of the Trinity.

53

as his erroneous views, soon brought him into collision with one of so gentle and amiable a character as Oecolampadius. The principal point of difference between them was in reference to the person of Christ. Servetus denied the union of two natures in him, and contended that he could be eternal, only in the sense that the world is eternal, because the idea of it was from the beginning with God. This controversy was carried on by letters and in private conversation, and not publicly as has been sometimes affirmed.1 Servetus attempted, a proceeding not unusual with men of his character, to quiet the mind of his opponent by a creed apparently orthodox, but he did not fully succeed. Oecolampadius in a conversation with Zuingli and Bullinger showed plainly that he understood his wily antagonist, and perceived the dangerous nature of his doctrines.2

In personal appearance Servetus was not unpleasing. According to an engraving in the work of Mosheim, said to be from a good portrait, he had rather marked features, a high forehead, a long and pointed beard, and large, bright eyes, which would at once give an attentive observer a premonition of the restless, fanatical spirit within. He was affable in his manners and ready in conversation, and seemed to attract notice wherever he went.

Servetus' first Work upon the Trinity.

Soon after the controversy with Oecolampadius (1530) Servetus went to Hagenauf, to make arrangement with the publisher Sarcerius for printing his first work "De Trinitatis Erroribus." The book, however, did not appear until some time in the following year. The starting point in this work is the indivisibility of the nature of God. He is simple and one, and consequently the modifications of his being must be merely in form and not in per

Still He is incomprehensible to man without revelation, and in order to make himself known he has assumed two forms, that of the Son and Spirit. Thus Servetus would retain the distinction of Father, Son and Spirit, but merely as modifications of external appearance. This trinity is not eternal, but ends with the world, as it came into existence with it. Like the world, however, it may be said to have existed forever in the divine pur

1 See Mosheim Gesch. d. M. Serveto, S. 14.

He even said to Servetus: Confessionem tuam simplex fortassis approbaret, quia autem mentem tuam declarasti, ut fallacem abominor. See Henry, Vol. III., 111, 115.