tory, or a fevere check to his adverfaties, could in any shape anfwer his uncommon circumstances.

The compofition of the Imperial army in 1756, at the battle of Rofbach, was fuch as might have induced an oppofing general to a battle, from the great probability of their defeat-No defence could be expected from that part of it drawn from the circles of the Empire; and its chief, as well as the French commander, gave fair hopes of fuccefs to an attacker.

The battle of Blenheim was of ftate neceflity.-A defenfive plan would have left the French to have wintered in Bavaria, and at the fame time expofed Flanders to loffes, on account of the abfence of its army. A battle therefore might gain every thing, and a lofs of it fcarce leave the empire more open to the French than before.

The citing of a number of examples needs no other pains than the perufal of history, where will be found battles fought on all manner of accounts, fome with folid objects in view, others when fcarce any benefit could attend their gain, others when ruin would attend their lofs, and little advantage their fuccefs.-Some fought in improper ground, fome with the ground judiciously chofen ;fome whofe tactical forms bid fair for fuccefs, others almost enfured a defeat.

The last Duke of Burgundy, before he fought the battle of Granfon against the Swifs, was offered every advantage, if he would agree to peace, that he could poffefs by victory; he refufed to treat, fought, and was beat.-He drew up his men in a narrow pass, where the Swifs, much his inferiors in numbers, could oppofe as great a front as that of his own army.

When Hannibal fought the battle of Zama, his fecond line having no intervals for the retreat of his firft, was tactically liable to defeat.

When the Hereditary Prince's army paffed the Rhine, after the affair of Clofter Campen in 1760, the French general had the fairest opportunity of deftroying them. If he had been repulfed, Wefel could be in no danger, and the year fo far advanced, as that no ad vantages could have accrued to the Allied Army from fuccefs; and it was in his power (a thing very rarely the cafe) to have entered as little, or as much into the attack as he had pleased, for the Prince's bufinefs was to pass the Rhine.-The Allied Army had been defeated, and of courfe difpirited, and were totally worn down by want of victuals and fatigue. The French had gained a victory, and were not in want of provifions. The Prince's bridge broke where there was an entrenchment, to defend it, and was obliged to be moved where there was none; and farther, upon the leaft faulter, or break, or giving ground of the Allied troops, the river, Rhine must have been their fate.-Had the French general marched his army, which was much fuperior to the Prince's, and attacked before the Allies began to pafs, or after fome were paffed, a total, or a very great deftruction, must have certainly enfued, and which would have been of the moft ferious confequences in the fate of the next campaign; inftead of which, no attack was made at all, and one of the most folid and uncommon fair opportunities to deftroy a corps was miffed.

The

• The battle of Val, in 1747, was a battle of refource ; Martha' Saxe kept conftantly feeding the object of attack....

In fortification, the defendants are chiefly in force where the

attack or attacks are made: in, battle, where, the attacks s are, there is the principal defence. If an army attacks, it forms at pleasure, it makes its points at will, if it defends, it will be difficult fometimes to penetrate into the defigns of the enemy, but, when once found, fuccour fucceeds to the difcovery.-Ground and numbers must ever lead in the form of battles :-impreffion and refource will ever bid fairest for winning them."

-Left our Readers should be at a lofs to conceive how the power of fpeech happens to be the fubject of a chapter ina military treatife, we fhall inform them, that Major Bell, un der that head, treats of the advantages of proper addreffes to foldiers, by their commanding officers, on fignal occafions, fin critical fituations, and important emergencies.; v Land and

الحليم

لعمار

ART. III. New Lights thrown upon the Hiftory of Mary Queen of England, eldest Daughter of Henry VIII." Addreffed to David L Hume, Efq; Author of the Hiftory of the Plantagenets, the Tudors, and the Stuarts, Tranflated from the French: 8vo. 2 s. fewed. Wilkie 177 18 tond van

Sthis pathe hands of Readers who have little

Sthis publication has impofed upon its Translator, and

fall

acquaintance with the English history, we think it our duty to expofe its defects, and to point out its general fcope and in

tention.

Inftead of throwing any light on the tranfactions of Mary's reign, it ferves to involve them in confufion; and from the cenfure which it has profufely lavished on a celebrated hiftorian, we can only learn, that its Author is totally uninformed concerning the fubject which he has, endeavoured to illuftrate,"

The following obfervations, at the fame time that they will exhibit a fpecimen of the performance, will furnith us with an opportunity of making fuch ftrictures on it as will fufficiently evince its imperfections.

In the firft volume of the French tranflation of your hiftory of the Tudors, fays the Author, addreffing himself to Mr. Hume, we read, that during the reign of Edward VI. the Princess Mary his fifter, attempted to efcape WITH Charles, her kinfman, to avoid greater perfecutions, but that her defign was discovered and prevented. This expreffion ought certainly to be explained: firft, Who is this kinfman Charles with whom the attempted to efcape? Was it Charles V. her coufin-german? If it was him, it fhould have been faid that the attempted to withdraw, and take refuge with Charles her relation; for certainly that Emperor did not then come into England to affiit in her efcape.

W bat

、

What steps did. fhe take in order to leave England (for the word attempt implies fome action and effort) and what was done to hinder her flight? Had the fet out in order to embark, or had any veffel been prepared to receive her? Was fhe ftopped upon the road before the reached the fea-fhore, or was any one measure taken to deprive her of the fhip engaged for her tranportation? One might reasonably expect fomething would have been offered to obviate fuch doubts as muft naturally arise in the mind of an attentive and intelligent Reader.

M. de Noailles places this project of a flight to have happened in the fhort interval between Edward's death and her advancement to the throne. He fays, the Princefs had fome thoughts of croffing the fea after the death of her brother, to which the was advised by several persons, in order to secure her life and liberty; and adds, that if he had then quitted England, the would not have found one friend to fupport her intereft, or contribute to her return. It is very probable the relinquifhed this defigni so foon as the perceived her party was ftronger and more numerous than was at firft imagined; and inftead of abandoning her hopes to the impulse of fear and diftruft, the found herself in a condition to render her power re(pectable.'

In the reign of Edward VI. when Somerset refigned the protectorship, the adminiftration of affairs was conducted by the Duke of Northumberland, who promoted the principles of the reformation; and among other ffeps which were then taken for the fuppreffion of popery, it was determined, that the Princess Mary fhould no longer be fuffered to adhere to the mafs, and to reject the new liturgy. She was, therefore, remonstrated with on this fubject; and her two chaplains were thrown into prifon. In this fituation, dreading farther violence, "the endeavoured, fays Mr. Hume, to make her escape to her kinfman Charles; but her defign was difcovered and prevented.” That the made this attempt is fufficiently afcertained by authentic proofs, and by the confequences it produced. For when Charles found that she was detained in England, he threatened hoftilities if liberty of confcience was refufed her; and the young King, who lamented his fifter's obftinacy, was prevailed with to allow her to continue in the Romifh faith. But our Author, while he is unacquainted with the terms in which Mr. Hume has expreffed himfelf, with regard to this defign, has also afferted, that he is mistaken in relation to the period of

Not with. The error of the French translator is ascribed to Mr. Hume. It is perfectly ridiculous to put the queftion, Who is this kinfman Charles? Had Mary any other kinfman of that name befide the Emperor Charles to whom he could think of flying for protection?

time when Mary formed the project of her flight. M. de Noailles, he obferves, places this circumftance in the fhort interval be tween Edward's death and Mary's advancement to the throne. It is not, however, to this circumftance that M. de Noailles has alluded; and if our Author had given himself the trouble to confult the English hiftorians, he might have learned, that Mary had, at different times, conceived an intention of abandoning the kingdom. At the time referred to in the difpatches of M. de Noailles, the thought of flying into a foreign country, in order to escape the vigilance of the duke of Northumberland, whose criminal ambition had induced him to plot against her life, that he might fecure to lady Jane Grey the fucceffion to the crown of England.

The ignorance and inaccuracy so apparent in the extract we have given from this performance, are no lefs confpicuous in the other observations which it contains. It appears to be the production of a rigid papift; and its general tendency is to vindicate the character of Mary from the juft reproaches that have been thrown upon it by the proteftant hiftorians. It is a panegyric on a queen, who joined to great weakness of understanding, the moft obftinate bigotry and the utmost malignity of disposition. St. ART. IV. Critical Obfervations on the Buildings and Improvements of London. 4to. 2s. 6d. Dodfley. 1771.

IN

N this performance, the particular defects of many of our public ftructures are pointed out; and the Author has very properly ridiculed that aukward imitation of the country amidit the fmoke and bustle of the town, which is fo disgusting in fome of the fquares in this metropolis. But though, in general, his obfervations are juft, we must remark, that in criticifing fome of our public works, which are not of very modern date, he feems inclined to draw conclufions from them concerning the taste of the prefent inhabitants of London. From edifices, however, which have exifted for any length of time, we can only judge with propriety of the ideas of elegance and convenience which were entertained at the period of their erection. In this cafe we are not to reafon from the paft to the prefent; and inconvenient ftreets, and unfhapely fabrics, cannot be demolished in a moment, and inftantly conftructed and rebuilt after happier models, to pleafe the caprice of a virtuofo or an artist.

Perhaps the prefent period is that in which the most general fpirit of improvements of every kind has prevailed in this country; and to do justice to our Author, he feems to be abundantly fenfible of this fact in feveral parts of his performance. Every feffion of parliament, fays he, is now marked by fome bill for the inclosing of commons, cutting of canals, constructing of bridges, embarking of rivers, making, mending, and watering

of

of highways, and for the paving and lighting of streets." From the taste now diffused among all ranks of men, the greatest advantages are doubtless to be expected. The improvements begun, will be extended and continued; and it is impoffible to fay to what length they fhall be carried, in a country where commerce is! perpetually enriching the individual, and where the difplays of his magnificence are unreftrained by fumptuary laws.

The object in London fufceptible of the higheft improvement in the opinion of our Author, is the river Thames.

The Thames; the pride and palladium of London, has hitherto, fays he, been allowed to fteal through the town, like Mr. Bays's army, in difguife, while the Seine, the Arno, and every ditch in Holland, are adorned with fuperb keys. However, the time seems at hand when it is to emerge from its antient obfcurity. Already two bridges, worthy of sits waters, ftretch gracefully from fhore to fhore; and the third, which has fo long obftructed and difhonoured: its ftream, bids fair under: the prefent enlightened fyftem of the city, to be foon removed. It may not be amifs to obferve here, that Blackfryars bridge, to its own intrinfie merit, adds this concurrent advantage of af fording the beft and perhaps the only true point of view for the magnificent cathedral of St. Paul's, with the various churches. in the amphitheatre that reaches from Westminster to the Tower, The project of embanking also promises much for the em bellishment and improvement, of the river. Befides the benefit to navigation, it opens a vaft field of reformation on the wharfs and keys. The works carrying on amid the antient, ruins of Durham Yard, is a fample of what may be done in that way; and from the terras of that stately pile we can best judge of the effect of fo noble, an object as the Thames properly dif played. You have here an extenfive fweep of water with num berlefs gay images moving on its furface; two handsome bridges bound the unbroken profpect, while beyond, the various, fpires, of the city, and of Westminster, appearing at a distance, add to the richness of the feene. Were but the embankment.completely finished all along, it would depend folely on, the inha bitants to have keys on the Thames, which none in Europe could rival either in beauty or extent,'.

135

What he has advanced concerning the building of a fenate houfe, and concerning a palace for our kings, deferves the attention of the legislature,

The former, he remarks, fhould not only comprehend every accommodation of ease and dignity for the two houses of pare liament, but also include the courts of juftices with their pro per offices, that the oracles of law may no longer be delivered from wooden booths, run up in the corners of an old Gothick

haile