to Louis, both on account of his talents, and the fpeciousness of a defence of his cause.

Henry, who had always his eye on his intereft, now marries his daughter Maude (widow to the Emperor) to Geoffry Plantagenet, in order to join Anjou and Maine to his other dominions in France.-The picture of this tyrant's domestic fears is an ufeful one.

On Stephen's afcending the throne, Mr. G. explains, with the greatest precision and clearness, his weak title to the crown. Louis the Fat, who would have profited by the troubles of England and Normandy, died foon after the commencement of this reign.

Mr. G. juftly remarks, that the common interefts of the great vaffals of the crown, that fiefs fhould not be reunited to it, prevented the reunion of feveral to that of France. His eulogy of Louis the Fat is excellent. He was his people's father, though a bigot!

Our Author obferves, that Louis the Young followed a maxim directly contrary to that of right policy, which would have taught him to aid the weaker, whereas he always joined the fronger party. Thus he at first invested Plantagenet with the dutchy of Normandy, and afterwards allied himself to Stephen.

Abbé Suger and St. Bernard are well contrafted by our Hiftorian; the former as a good politician, the latter as an enthusiast, who over-ruled Louis to join in the Croifade,-to expiate the burning of Vitry, by fpilling feas of blood in Palestine!

But Louis was guilty of another very great weakness. Though he knew that by his marriage with Eleanor he held very confiderable fiefs, he ftrove not to render himself agreeable to her, but even got his marriage diffolved: whereupon our Henry married her. Abbe Suger had delayed this divorce.

Yet Mr. G. thinks that Henry's accumulation of provinces in France was the occafion of lofing that kingdom; and points to this prince as a proof of his grand thefis, immoderate increase of power is the harbinger of decay."

66

However, Henry now became too powerful a rival for Louis effectually to oppofe: nevertheless, he attempts in vain to fupport Geoffry, Henry's brother. Some ineffectual fkirmishes pafs betwixt the Kings on account of Thouloufe and the Vexin; but at length peace is restored, by a marriage betwixt Henry's fon and Louis's daughter.

The principal remaining affair difcuffed in this volume, is the famous difpute betwixt our monarch Henry and Archbishop Becket, in which the King of France interpofed much, perhaps on a principle of religion, perhaps only of policy, to fupport that prelate and his friends against their King, and to APP. Rev. vol. xliv.

Pp

create

create great perplexities to his formidable rival. Louis makes war on him in Normandy, but is driven thence.

At length Henry confents to give his provinces in France to his fons, and fo cut off all matter of perfonal rivalship betwixt him and Louis. And now Louis ftrives to reconcile the King and the prelate.

Our Historian calls Becket a virtuous prieft. Perhaps he had some virtues; yet when the principle on which he exercifed virtuous acts is enquired into, fcarce any will stand the teft. But, by a virtuous man, we mean one who exercises all moral virtues, and by a virtuous Chriftian priest, one who exercifes all Chriftian virtues. Now, are not humility, meekness, and their amiable train, Chriftian virtues? Had Becket these? Surely Mr. G. will not fay that he had!

To an Englishman it may juftly feem surprising that Mr. G. fhould not make one fingle remark on Lord Lyttelton's life of Henry II. when he has quoted much inferior hiftorians in almoft every age.

We cannot deem this omiffion a proof that he is impartial. Surely fome tribute was due to fo accomplished a nobleman! But Lord Lyttelton reprefents Becket as utterly undeferving the title of a virtuous prieft.

Indeed, Mr. G. feems thoroughly conscious of the true character of Becket, when he quotes a pretty long paffage from Mr. Boffuet concerning this proud prelate, and obferves that Boffuet durft fay no more than he did, against a man canonized by the church; and he diftinguishes, by italics, the paffages which covertly fhew his real fentiments. How dares a French Papist pretend to impartiality!

Henry was extremely fenfible how many enemies, especially in France, the affaffination of Becket would raise against him, and cunningly engaged to establish the payment of Peter-pence in Ireland, given to him by the Pope. This fcheme difarmed the Pope's fury, and Louis durft not disturb him. Henry however, to appease the clergy and people, fubmitted to a fhameful penance for Becket's death.

But Henry gave his rival Louis another great advantage against him. By his matrimonial infidelities, especially with fair Rofamond, he provoked Queen Eleanor, and the fpirited up her fons to claim the real poffeffion of the crown of England, and the provinces in France, whofe titles only he had given to them.

↑ "Il acheta la liberté glorieufe de dire la verité, comme il la croyait," &c. "Il combattit jusq'au fang pour les moindres droits ét Elife," &rc." Il defendit jusq' aux dehors de cette Sainte Cité,” &c.

Louis fupports not only his fon-in-law, young Henry, in his abfurd demand, but Richard, alfo, in his claim of Guienne, and Geoffry in his of Bretagne.

*

Hereupon Henry imprifons his Queen, efcaping to her fons, and difciplines the firft ftanding army of foreign mercenaries that Europe faw; for Stephen's was an undifciplined body of men. These troops were faithful to Henry and fuccefsful; and the example was copied (as we fhall fee) by Philip Auguftus of France. Such an army however is always dangerous, and frequently ruinous, to liberty. Mezeray allows this truth, and Monf. G. confirms it.

Louis folemnly fwore not to lay down arms till he had deposed Henry; and caufed his nobles and clergy, and even Henry's fons, to fwear the fame! He treacherously burns Verneuil. Yet this Louis was a devout prince, and (as Mr. G. obferves) had expiated the like horrors by a crufade!-But Henry makes him fly, and, by the affiftance of his mercenary troops, always ready, quiets all Normandy, Bretagne, &c. then makes noble offers to his fons, which Louis perfuades them to refuse. The Scotch and Irish, and the count of Flanders, join also against Henry. He faves, by expedition, Rouen, befieged by Louis, makes a carnage of fome of his rear, and pushes his fon Richard fo vigorously, that at length a general peace is made. Monf. G. muft own that England has the fuperiority here over her rival, both in arms and virtue. He pronounces indeed the panegyric of our generous Henry, and the condemnation of his mean competitor.

Henry alfo fhone fuperior to his rival, by being chofen arbiter betwixt the kings of Caftile and Navarre.

Monf. G. calls Louis a prince of few vices; but he who foments the unnatural rebellion of fons against fuch a father as Henry, muft have an heart thoroughly bad!

Henry reconciles the young king of France, Philip II. to his mother, and his own fons to each other, and laments the death of the young and, at laft, penitent Henry. Monf. G. paints the manners of the Henries in this fcene, juftly and finely.

But Philip, on pretext of the fortune and jointure + of his fifter, young Henry's queen, makes war on the king of England, and is joined by the unnatural Richard, who imitates not his brother Henry's repentance, but demands to be crowned.

This effort of rivalfhip was however quickly over; for Henry wanted to fettle matters in Ireland, where his fon John had hurt the English intereft, and Philip wifhed to reduce fe of his

The infidelity of his vaffals made these troops neceffary to cry. + Mr. G.'s words are dot and douaire,

Pp 2

vaffals;

vaffals: hence they made a kind of peace. Yet Philip was quickly ready again to fupport Geoffry against his father, but that ungrateful prince dies by a tournament, bemoaned by Henry alone, becaufe he was his father,' fays Mr. G.

Richard now attached himself entirely to Philip; and this king (flattered with the title of auguft) was fo mean as to endeavour to mortify Henry by cutting down a famous elm 1, (which the English were fond of) under which they had held conferences; and by fuffering Richard to do him homage for all provinces in France, in Henry's prefence. Prince John also joined this party.

Henry, now fickening, yields to very difadvantageous terms of peace, and dies in convulfions of despair, curfing his birth and his children!

This Writer excellently defcribes the behaviour of Richard, ftruck with the consciousness of parricide, when his father's corpfe bled at his approach §, and gives a juft character of Henry.

Philip and Richard join in the crufade, but quarrel at Mesfina, the place of rendezvous, on account of a letter avowed by Tancred king of Sicily to be wrote by Philip to tempt him to join in betraying Richard; which letter Mr. G. judges of doubtful authority. However, Richard breaks off his engagement to marry Philip's fifter, and efpoufes another princess.

The French and English hiftorians are oppofite in their accounts of Philip's behaviour towards Richard in the Holy Land; but agree, that, at parting thence, Philip fwore to guard Richard's dominions. Mr. G. is fo liberal as to own that it would be well if the French hiftorians could prove that Philip kept his oath *.

The hiftorians of the two nations difagree on another point, viz. Whether Richard or the duke of Burgundy, Philip's lieutenant, refused to proceed to the fiege of Jerufalem?

The faid hiftorians differ about a third point, viz. Richard's felling or giving the kingdom of Cyprus (which he had conquered) to Guy of Lufignan. Mr. G. thinks that both par

The word ufed by Mr. G. is orme. free an oak. .

Some hiftorians call the

§ Mr. G. accounts for the fact naturally, viz. from his dying of an apoplexy. It has long been a piece of vulgar fuperftition, that the corpfe of the murdered bleeds at the approach of the murderer. We could fhew reafons for thinking this letter authentic.

Mr. G. my own that a prince capable of breaking his oath, is capable of writing the letter abovementioned, and of every thing that is bad.

ties go too far in their affertions on this fubject; and he is generous enough to confefs, with Mr. Falconet, that the French calumniated Richard as guilty of the murder of the marquis of Montferrat t.

However, he judges that the English appear to carry their accufation of Philip too far, when they fuppofe him, while in Paleftine, to have laid his plan of injuries toward Richard; and thinks that Philip was feduced into the fcheme of oppreffing Richard by Prince John and the Bishop of Ely. But how can Mr. G. difpute the truth of the accufations of the English merely on account of Philip's probity? The Pope, however, forbad Philip's encroachments on Normandy. One advantage this of crufades!

Mr. G. juftly obferves on queen Eleanor's letters, occafioned by Richard's imprifonment, that "the eloquence of grief is found in all ages."

The princes of the empire perfuade or force the emperor Henry VI. who had bought Richard of Leopold duke of Auftria for 60,000 marks of gold, to ranfom him for 150,000, and his fubjects make the firft payment.

Philip had negociated with this infamous emperor to fell Richard to him, or keep him always a prifoner; and, at length, to keep him one year longer; and Henry, having difmiffed him, ftrives to retake him ‡.

It is furprising that Mr. G. obferves not how justly these calamities fell on Richard, providentially, for his parricide, and by the inftrumentality of his affociate Philip.

This faithlefs prince, Philip, marries a fifter of the king of Denmark, to push his fuccefs against England; but diflikes her though hand fome and virtuous, and thus lofes the affiftance of that crown §.

Richard pushes the war vigorously in France againft Philip, and beats him terribly at the famous battle of Fretteval.

+ We think with Mr. G. and Monf. Falconet, that fome Englishman, or partizan of the English, forged, in all probability, the letter from the old Man of the Mountains, to exculpate Richard; yet the date in Rymer, viz. "Anno ab ALEXANDRO papa quinto," feems plainly a blunder of the original date in Trevelth (not understood) viz. 1505 of Alexander; that is, the era of the Seleucides, which anfwers to 1193 of our ara, the just date, as Mr. G. acknowledges.

Philip would have given Henry all the ranfom, viz. 150,000 marks of gold, for keeping him another year, and Henry hoped to get the double ranfom. But it is fuppofed Philip's view was to get Richard taken off by poifon, or fuch like means.

§ Thus covered with crimes was this prince, whom Mr. G. frequently defends! He called Richard, in a letter to John, a devil." But was he himself less diabolical ?