But, those who thus depict the hideous state of our neglected poor do not pause here; they generally contrive to deepen the effect of this terrible drama, by contrasting with such appalling misery the luxurious splendour of capitalists, the proud wealth of a commercial aristocracy, together with the heartless indifference wherewith the fashionable streets and squares which encircle the crowded haunts of neglected woe, for the most, treat the victims of social inequality.

Now there is truth, dark, deep, and dreadful, in the spirit and letter of all this: but the case is, perhaps, too absolutely put, too harshly drawn out; above all, the counteractive alleviations which religious benevolence brings to bear on large masses of human anguish, are not fairly adduced. It is true that, neglected thousands of our destitute countrymen are yet to be overtaken by the sympathising aid of those whose duty and privilege it is to offer it; and equally correct to assert, that as yet, principles of social culture and moral education require to be impressed upon the million. But it is positive untruth to deny, and severe injustice to forget, what has been

four years since, with the desire to obtain ocular demonstration as to the actual existence of such a state of things, I visited with a friend several houses in St. Giles's, the immediate neighbourhood of the Model Lodging House, George Street, to be hereafter described. In one of these houses we found a room about 22 ft. by 16 ft., the ceiling of which could be easily touched with the hand, without any ventilation, excepting through some half-patched broken squares of glass; here were constantly lodging from forty to sixty human beings, men, women, and children, besides dogs and cats!"

of St. George's, Hanover Square, was made in 1842, at the instance of the present Earl of Harrowby: 1465 families of the labouring classes were found to have for their residence only 2174 rooms, and 2510 beds!! The distribution of rooms and beds was as follows:

done, and is now in the process of being effected, for the poor and uneducated mass of the people. Certainly, within the last thirty years, the sacred cause of the poor, and their sublime claims on the government of the country, have assumed a prominence and attracted a sympathy, hitherto unparalleled. And, let it not be forgotten that, crippled as the Church is by Stateencroachments and usurpations, even amid the bondage of her political fetters, and with a clergy miserably disproportioned to her national office, still, has she been nobly active in striving to alleviate the misery, and illuminate the darkness of the people. Let but the State allow her to be in positive action, what she is in nominal idea, The Church of England; let her diocesan episcopate be augmented fourfold; her working clergy increased at least to twenty times their present number; and her overgrown parishes be so divided, that every 2000 souls shall be presided over by an apostolic watchman and affectionate pastor, and within less than half a century, what a social regeneration would England realise? Poverty, indeed, "would never cease out of the land," but destitution, to a great extent, would; above all, the civilising influences of a Scriptural education, and the soothing agencies of pastoral care, would cause the hearts of the poorest to rejoice, and the homes of the bereaved to become temples where domestic christianity is enshrined.

III.

Without any desire to dogmatise concerning political remedies, let us now resort unto what ought to be a common ground of final reference unto all devout Christians and loyal churchmen, even the infallible Scriptures. God is as truly the Almighty Head of a commonwealth, as He is the Creator and Governor of individual souls, whose united aggregate composes what we term a Polity, or the corporate unity of a State. Hence, on the hypothesis that, it has pleased the Divine Being to make a formal revelation of His will unto mankind, it might be concluded beforehand, such revelation will address itself not exclusively unto the subjective consciousness of individual men, but unto the personality and responsibility of nations. To

adopt another creed, and affirm the religion of Christ to be limited unto the sanctuary of a man's own spirit, and that, as a member of a polity, a citizen in the commonwealth, his creed has no legitimate realm for unfolding its principles, - is indeed to assert, an individual ought to be religious, but society atheistical! To this heartless falsehood does the watchword of creedless democracy and parliamentary deism lead at last: that motto, we mean, whose doctrine is, "Politics and religion have nothing to do with each other." Translate that paradox into a true and ultimate principle, and it amounts unto this revolting conclusion, "Society and God have no moral relation unto each other!" And such is the impious dislike certain men feel towards the character of an ordered Church, the claims of an apostolic priesthood, and the obligations of a definite creed, that, rather than submit their secular policy unto the test of spiritual wisdom, they are prepared to exclude the Almighty from all scriptural interference with national duties and public responsibilities. According to their dreadful theory, in political life the more we approximate unto pure atheism, the nearer we approach unto the perfect ideal of a modern philanthropist and liberal statesman.

To name such frightful theories, is quite sufficient to procure the righteous anathemas of all who believe the first principles of national godliness. But, we cannot help expressing our wonder, that certain patriots whose spiritual type is Gallio, and who boast of expanded views and a noble deliverance from the bondage of sectarianism and partisanship,-do not study the constitution of that human nature for which they presume to legislate, with more philosophical accuracy than they have yet done. Would they condescend to do so, they must soon perceive, no adaptations in nature, or in art, are so consummate and complete as those which exist between the fundamental wants of man and the remedial supply which Christianity offers. follows from this, that since the corporate action of a Polity, or Commonwealth, is nothing more than this same fundamental nature of man passing out of individual experience into social action, the same influence which rectifies his faculties under the first condition, must necessarily raise and refine them under the last. It is here a vital connection between religion and

N

It

use;

sound policy becomes clear, and undeniable; and the Bible is proved to be the best manual which a statesman can the deepest and divinest code which a patriotic legislator can consult. In principle, at least, a Theocracy is still among us; and any attempt to legislate for Humanity, without a reference to the saving creed and sublime obligations which that Theocracy embodies and reveals, must at length ruin the nation, disorganise the Church, and convulse society into a chaos of clashing wills and warring interests. Would to God men exercised a small portion of that good sense they exhibit in secular things, when they attempt to speak concerning spiritual; for then, they might at least perceive, how Christianity is a system of regenerative principles which, when fairly and effectually carried out, infallibly achieve their corresponding results. These results are, indeed, manifold in form and mysterious in process; but among them, is the real civilisation of mankind, viewed in their social capacity and political development. The application of Christian truth, in the unity of the Church, acts upon the inner life-springs of our catholic humanity. It brings a remedial power to bear upon the most central principles of our moral nature; and, having thus purified man at the fountain-head of individual consciousness, all that issues from him, either in natural life or political function, will be in accordance with the truths of heaven, and the social welfare of mankind. The Bible, therefore, is in principle, and ought to be in fact, the source of polity, the spring of statesmanship, and the ultimate text-book unto which sound patriotism should ever resort.

In desiring, however, to connect the doctrines of divine reve lation with the destinies of the poor, all we shall attempt in the present essay, is, first, to contemplate certain utterances of the Almighty which relate to the subject in general; and secondly, to adduce some direct evidence, derived from the principles of the Scripture, and the teaching of the Church, regarding those benefits which the poor confer on the rich. The latter subject, we are quite aware, will appear in a light somewhat novel, and even perhaps eccentric, unto those who have been taught that the rich are the exclusive benefactors of the poor. But while this proposition is perfectly true, in a subordinate sense, we

think the aspect we venture to take of the relation between poor and rich, is one of vital importance. Let it be clearly evidenced by Scripture, that the governing wisdom of God is not less benevolently exercised in the appointment of poverty than it is in the bestowment of wealth, and then, two consequences arise, by each of which both our spiritual and secular condition will be raised and ennobled. The poor, for example, will be taught not to repine over their lowly rank and obscure condition, seeing that it is proved from Scripture, "Thou, O God, hast prepared of Thy goodness for the poor” (Psal. lxviii. 10.); while, on the other hand, the rich will be warned against that proud apathy which tempts man to stand aloof from fellowship with the sadness and suffering of the poor, when he reads this sublime announcement from the Throne and authority of God: "He that oppresseth the poor reproacheth his Maker; but he that honoureth Him, hath mercy on the poor." (Prov. xiv. 31.)

1. CERTAIN TEXTS RELATIVE TO THE CLAIMS AND
CONDITION OF THE POOR GENERALLY.

(1.) "Remember the words of the Lord Jesus, how He said, It is more blessed to give than to receive." (Acts, xx. 35.) God and man, eternity and time, meet in the moral grandeur of this most precious announcement. For how blessed, on the one hand, must He be, who gives unto all and receives from none, the Almighty! how blest, on the other, must that liberal soul become, whose happiness is a finite expression of this infinite and ineffable bliss. There is, indeed, a divine largeness and a superhuman elevation characterising this aphorism, which at once betrays its spiritual birth-place to be none other than the heart of Him that beat with catholic sympathy for the entire human race, and Who contemplated suffering poverty as an earthly shadow of His own mysterious destitution. Yet, beautiful as the axiom is, which assigns a larger degree of blessedness unto the giver than unto the receiver of alms, it must soon have melted into the muteness of the unrecorded past, had not Paul arrested and enshrined it for ever among the written oracles of God.