found sufficient for the cultivation of the be supposed that he could ever entertain estates. Where the land was rich, and the opinion, that the right, whatever it the negro could procure with a little labour was, could he violated without a compenenough for the supply of his wants, no in- sation to the owner. He did hope that, ducement which the colonists could hold when the House came to a discussion of out would be sufficient to make him this great question, which had arisen only work. He would talk about equal rights incidentally upon a motion which nobody (of which they had heard so much from opposed, they would agree to avoid any the hon. member for Norwich), and would discussion of abstract rights of property, work for himself only. The House might and of abstract rights of man, and attend learn from Mr. Coleridge's book the kind only to the legal rights of private ownerof value set upon freedom by the negro ship. Whilst the House did this, he population of Trinidad, where the slave, should also wish them to bear equally in in contempt for the freeman, called him a mind the resolutions of parliament, which “ Wilberforce nigger.” He did trust that directed the course of government to the amelioration would be followed up as far gradual change from slavery to one which as it was practicable, and that it would be was to raise the negro to the same condicarried on in that temperate tone from tion as the other subjects of the Crown. which only benefit could accrue to the i The present was an occasion on which it slave as well as to the master. Now that would be altogether undesirable to enter into the country had become rich and flourish- the merits of the case. When it was stated ing, people did not seem to attach much to him, that an opportunity of compulsory value to the colonies; but he feared the emancipation grew out of the situation of time would come when we should repent the government of Trinidad, with respect this line of conduct, and have to regret the to the Spanish laws, and that no difficulty neglect of those colonies which had served arose of applying the principle to any as so great a stimulus to our trade, and other of the Spanish Islands, he dissented so great a mart for our manufactures. from the doctrine. By the old Spanish

Mr. Secretary Huskisson said, that law, facilities were offered of supplying, amongst all the difficulties with which by untutored sayages from Africa, the government had had to contend, in carry- places of what he might call the educated ing into effect the measures with reference and apprenticed negroes, who were to be to the West-India colonies, none liberated. He fully agreed with what had more serious than those founded upon been stated respecting the immensely imthe doctrine of the abstract rights of man, proved state of the slaves in our old settled advanced by the noble lord, and by his islands, subsequent to the abolition of the hon. friend the member for Norwich. slave trade. The present negroes, in conThis difficulty, great as it was, was very sequence of the abolition of the slave much aggravated by the opposite extremes trade, were a race of beings very considerindulged in by his hon. friend the member ably raised in the scale of moral intellifor Callington, who endeavoured to im- gence, and they were greatly improved in press upon the House and the country, every thing that constituted moral worth that slavery was in itself unavoidable, and and general utility. They had as much that the condition of the slaves was pre- improved within the last twenty years as ferable to that of the average of free la- any people had improved in an equal bourers in this country. He was not sur- space of time within the cognizance of prised to hear such an unsound and history. Within these very few days he extravagant principle advanced on one had had the opportunity of communiside, when he heard it advanced by a cating with an individual who had just noble lord on the other side, that there returned from Jamaica (he meant the could be no such thing as a legal right of Bishop of Jamaica), and he could assure property--no such thing as an ownership the House, that the report which that in slaves. He did not know what this last right reverend individual had furnished, assertion meant, for it appeared to him was very satisfactory as to the progress of that the ownership in slaves was similar to moralization among the slave population other rights established by law. He ac- since the abolition of the slave trade and, knowledged that it was an ownership since the efforts made by his majesty's goentirely distinct from any other species vernment to ameliorate the condition of or description of property; but let it not the negroes. But it would be greatly to be

lamented, for the sake of the slaves them- | mean to say that it would not be well to selves, and of humanity in general, if the consider what other mode might be subHouse were to interfere with the progress stituted, and what modifications of the of the measures of government, so as to present regulations might with propriety be disturb the settled state of things: which, introduced. These, however, were matbe maintained, was gradually leading to ters upon which it was the duty of minisgreat improvements in civilization. The ters to wait until parliament icok a difbon. member for Callington had said, ferent view of the question. They bad that the negroes of Antigua were as well taken one course, and had shown their informed with respect to their religious inclination to adopt it. The next course duties as the labouring classes of St. must be, he would not fix any time, ultiGiles's, or of any of the central districts mately, securely, and with a view alike to of the metropolis, or as the labouring the benefit of the negro, and the interest classes of this country in general. If this of the master—to take such measures as were the case, he would ask his hon. will improve his civil and moral condition friend whether these facts did not give in a material degree. It was not his inhim (Mr. Huskisson) a right to call upon tention to detain the House further than the legislature of that colony to give these by observing, that while ministers advised well-instructed, religious, and moral, per a revision of the course pursued elsewhere, sons, a full enjoyment of their civil rights they must keep their minds firmly fixed -the right to be heard in courts of justice, upon the principles with which they had and to have their evidence received in the set out, and the views arising out of those administration of justice. Was it no part principles. of the rights of a civil member of the com- Mr. Fowell Buxton said :-I had orimunity that his evidence should be re- ginally resolved to follow the advice given ceived in a court of justice? Let any by the noble lord (Nugent) considering hon. member reflect upon the many iaci- the importance of the subject, the interdents in life in which this exclusion of evi- ests that are involved in it, and the dence would affect the deepest feelings absence, upon our part, of the information and interests of the slave population. The which the right hon. gentleman possesses. negro ought to be able to claim this right, I had resolved to abstain from troubling when his property, or the welfare of his the House with a single observation. The fellow-creature, was at stake. The first hon. member for Callington renders it great act of melioration in the condition impossible for me to adhere to that resoluof the slave, was the interruption of the tion. It is incumbent upon someone of those supply of negroes from the coast of Africa. who have advocated the cause of the slaves, It was admitted, that if a slave was eman- to stand up in his place and notice and repel cipated by a compulsory process, another his accusations. Up to the inoment when would be furnished to supply his place. he rose, the debate had been conducted An analogy had been drawn from labourers with all possible tranquillity of temper. upon a small or upon a large farm; on But the hon. gentleman favours us with a these different farms there might be differ- lecture upon temperance, moderation, ent degrees of profit; but the value of command of temper, and control of each labourer might be the same. The tongue, in a speech just the most immoprofits were greatest on the largest farm. derate, intemperate, violent, and exaspeOne effect of what some were pressing in rating, that ever I heard in my life. In the House would be, that domestic slaves order to accomplish his purpose

of calmwould be transferred to plantation labour. ing irascible 'feelings, and banishing But the question of contingent compulsion from this debate all topics which might was not to be considered at the present create animosity, he is pleased to charge moment. In the Resolutions of 1823, us with exaggeration, misrepresentation, two great points were to be considered. quackery, and nonsense. One was the amelioration of slavery—the I must confess, however, that he has parties still continue in a state of slavery. sneered at us in very good company—the This was what all parties would acquiesce rights of map and the laws of God were in. But there was another part of the equally visited by his sarcasm. Now I resolution — the gradual transition from defy him to prove any one instance of slavery to freedom. The House would misrepresentation. I challenge him to not depart from this object. He did not abstain from general condemnation, and

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to put his finger upon that particular in testimony in a court of justice, and how which we have deceived the country. I it is that you explain your refusal to do so will do so with regard to him. I will by saying, that the negro does not undermark out those particulars in which him- stand the nature and obligation of an oath, self has been guilty of misrepresentation. and that he is so false, that you cannot When I first agitated the question of sla- believe a word he says ? how happens it very, I adverted to the use of the cart-whip; that your very good Christian is in this the hon. gentleman was the man who denied predicament so very degraded and so very that any such instrument was in use in false? the West Indies. He termed my state- Again, these happiest of the happyment a gross and unwarrantable calumny. will the hon. gentleman solve one difficulty He was followed by a noble lord ; who ad- that occurs to me? The negroes are better mitted that the whip was exhibited as an fed and better clothed, they eat more and emblem of authority and a badge of office, work less than any people upon earthbut but that it was ignorance, or a worse how happens it that their numbers decrease motive, which could induce any man to decrease at a rate entirely unequalled in assert, that it was employed for any other the history of man?

The negro poputhan those innocent purposes of display. lation of the West Indies are disappearing He was followed by an hon. member, who at a rate such as no population has ever told us that he had resided for twenty disappeared, in any of the parts of the years in the West Indies, and that he had world? If the whole family of man never so much as heard of the cart-whip were to decrease in numbers at the rate in --that he believed it to be a pure fiction which the slave population is now perishinvented in this country. What answer ing in Demerara, the earth would be decould we give to these assertions, grounded populated in fifty years. as they appeared to be upon experience ? The hon. member has indignantly cenWe were obliged to yield in silence to sured my hon. friend (W. Smith) for insuch a mass of authority. His Majesty's troducing the phrases " rights of men and Government proposed to the West-Indians laws of God,” and I do not wonder that to abolish the use of the cart-whip alto- he is somewhat provoked at those obgether. Then we were told by the West- noxious expressions; for one cannot think Indians that the extinction of the cart- of slavery without perceiving, that it is an whip would be the extinction of slavery. usurpation of the one and a violation of “ O !” said they, “ you must leave us the the other. In my estimation, my hon.' whip; we cannot do without it.”

friend did right in adverting to them. Again, we stated that there were ob- The right hon. gentleman (Wilmot Horton) stacles to manumission. It was denied, tells us, that it is impossible to redeem and stoutly; and the debate of this night, the pledge of parliament, and to adhere to and the propositions of the right hon. compulsory manumission. We cannot gentleman show with what truth it was reconcile the promise which we have given denied. It was asserted by us, that Sun- for the extinction of slavery with a proday was the market day—a most vile and mise which we have also given for a due groundless calumny. But when we called consideration of the rights of the parties upon the colonists to give to the negro interested. We are reduced to the alterthat which was equally the right of man native, he tells us, of sacrificing the planter and the cause of God—the free use of the to the interest of the slave, or the slave to sabbath, this was pronounced to be an the interest of the planter. If we are in infringement of property, and a call was that predicament, and must decide for the made for compensation. The hon. gen- one or the other, my judgment is unequitleman has dwelt this night upon the feli- vocally in favour of the slave. And it is city of the slaves, and I understood him a consideration of the rights of man and to say, that they are in a condition to be the laws of God which lead me to that envied by the British peasant--that they unequivocal decision. Three parties are are the happiest of men, and the best of before us—the planter, the British public, Christians; well fed, well clothed, well and the slave: and let us see the respectinstructed, with none of the cares, with all ive merits of the parties. From what is the enjoyments, which pertain to men. the planter's claim derived ? From a crime. But I wish to ask him if the negro is so it is painful to say, but it is the hon. very good a Christian, why you reject his member for Callington who has extracted

from us the truth—it is a crime. [Mr. | to the negro- the last nothing. He has Gordon here observed that it was no crime, no kind of concern or interest in the questhe slave trade was tolerated by law.] tion between the principal and the acces

The hon. member has told us that there sory, in the robbery between the Westwas no criminality in the slave trade, be- Indian planter and the British governcause the law allowed it. What! is that no ment-and why are disputes between parcrime in itself which our law denounces ties who are both in the wrong, to delay, as a felony ? was that perfectly innocent for a single hour, the enjoyment of that which we now punish as a piracy? Could which unquestionably belongs to him? any planter of that day have been so I am not for immediate emancipation blinded by his interest, and so insensible -not that I am deterred by any supto truth, as to think that to go to Africa, posed rights on the part of the planto seize the unoffending natives, and com- ter, not that I think that the planter mit spoliation, and robbery, and murder has the smallest tittle of right on the to render a quarter of the earth a person of the negro, but because I do ravaged wilderness—to crowd its captured believe, that the West-Indians too truly population into the holds of slave ships, assert, that the negroes are not fit for and expose them to horrors worse than emancipation. They are so sunk, and death-to consign the survivors to perpe- debased, and brutalized, by slavery, that tual servitude-could the planter, I say, they are not fit, perhaps, for the common of those days believe that all these were in- enjoyment and rights of mankind. I nocent and righteous acts ? It was a crime, pause, therefore, before I would grant and they knew it to be so; and that them immediate emancipation. But, the crime is the origin of their right.

more I am convinced of their degradation, The British government, the second the more do I hate slavery, the cause of party, stands in the shameful predicament that degradation. I would give the negro of having permitted and encouraged that all that I could give him with security. I crime. The only party who comes before would do every possible thing to mitigate us without reproach is the negro, who has and sweeten his lot; and to his children I been the victim of crimes which have been would give unqualified emancipation. perpetrated by the one, and instigated by Having done this, I would settle with the other. When I heard the right hon. the planter. I am a friend to compensagentleman ask, “ Are we to sacrifice the tion, but it is compensation upon the negro to the planter, or the planter to the broadest scale. Perhaps the West-Innegro," I put the case to my own mind dians

may
think

my

notions inconveniently thus : A and B commit a joint robbery; A extensive upon the subject of compensabeing the principle, and B the accessory. tion, I am for compensation to all who The accessory, visited by pangs of con- have suffered by us ; and in proportion to science, wishes to make all the reparation in the degree in which each has suffered. his power; namely, restitution of the The slave owner, by the laws of the mothings stolen to their rightful owner. The ther country, has been tempted to embark principal says, “ No! not till you have his property in an unlawful investment. settled with me. I only did what you He went to the West Indies at our insti. recommended. I cannot afford to re- gation. This is his claim, but if the nounce my share of the spoil, until you planter was led to the West Indies by our have indemnified me from any loss I may law, the slave was dragged thither by the sustain, I will give up the property with same law. You have permitted, not all my heart, when you have given me an forced, the one to commit a crime. You equivalent, and guaranteed me from every have forced, not permitted, the other to possible damage."

become the victim of that crime. But the third party has still to be heard. ask compensation for him who has wielded The slave may ask, “ what have I to do the whip? Then I ask compensation for with any disputes between those who have him who has smarted under its lash. Do conspired to rob me?" He argues, that you ask compensation for loss of property, there are two questions--one, the restitu- contingent and future? Then I ask comtion of the thing stolen to the person to pensation for unnumbered wrongs, the whom it belongs; the other, the adjust- very least of which, is the incapacity of ment of the proportion of loss between the possessing any property whatever. If offending parties. The first is every thing compensation be demanded, we re-echo the

Do you

demand. It is that which we most fervently was not at that period prepared to condesire, only let it be just compensation, tradict it by documents; but he assured dealt out for the many who have suffered, his hon. friend, that in many parts of and not confined to the few who may Jamaica, particularly the sea coast, there suffer in one particular.

existed many of the original African stock, Sir, these are the truths of the case. who still contaminated the blood of the They have been extorted from me by the Creole population, by infusing into them hon. member. I had no intention of feelings and dispositions of which they had saying a word, for reasons immaterial to never divested themselves. The hon. memthe House. I had resolved to take no ber, after adverting to the negro Sundaypart in this or any other discussion during market for the produce of their fowls, garthe session, but the hon. member has com dens, and pig-styes, went on to observe, pelled me to speak the plain truth—and that the Sunday-market was the wish of the plain truth is, that he has no right the negroes, and that they grumbled when whatever to the person of the negro, the market hours were restricted to eleven though he may have some claim upon the o'clock. But were there not many things liberality of the British government; and such as fish of particular kinds allowed to if any man thinks, that it were better be sold in this country on Sunday mornnot to divulge and insist upon these ings for the convenience of the poor? The truths, I tell him that for their proclama- hon. member had objected to the non-adtion this night, he has to thank the hon. mission of slave evidence. Now, the member for Callington, that as often as I House of Assembly in Jamaica, had exshall hear the hon. member make the tended the testimony of slaves to capital charge which he has made this night, so cases by their late law, and there had acoften shall I meet him as I have done. tually been two persons of free condition

Mr. Bernal said, that in the part which convicted upon slave evidence since the he was about to take in the discussion, he passing of the law. But, in consequence should avoid anything like an irritated or

of that law being disallowed by his majesty, angry feeling. He appealed to his hon. those convictions had fallen to the ground. friend, the member for Weymouth, whether He thought his majesty had been ill-adhe had not upon all occasions discussed vised in refusing to pass that particular act, this question calmly and dispassionately; which was only a temporary experiment : Indeed, he always felt sorry when he it had nipped the bud of expectation. He found anything like angry discussion in- thought the government should speak out. troduced into so important a subject. But The West-Indian interest had a right to he was not sorry at finding that the opi- demand from government a plain statenions expressed by the hon. member for ment of what they meant to do. That Weymouth had been elicited that evening. sort of property was now unsafe; especially He had taken a fair and manly course, since it had been declared that it was botand had given to the House the tone and tomed in crime. opinions of himself and his coadjutors in Mr. Sykes justified the course pursued the work (the great work no doubt he and by the hon. members for Norwich and they thought it) in which they were en- Weymouth. He thought the principle of gaged. His hon. friend had at length negro slavery so inequitable, it was so plainly told them, that he would look to unfair, that any body of men should gothe compensation of the negro before that vern their fellow creatures by a system of of the white master (hear, hear !]. An hon. laws which enacted the penalty of twenty member cheered, but he would tell him, stripes for one offence, of thirty for another, that that was not the wisest course to take, and so on, punishing human infirmities by a in order to attain the object which his hon. self-assumed right as a superior order of friend had in view. The West-Indians beings : he considered this system so abmight be a weak body; but if driven and horrent to humanity, and so essentially forced together, it might be found that repugnant to justice, that he would not they could muster both strength and cou- detain the House by commenting on it. rage to resist those opposed to them, and He maintained, that the slave population who attempted to destroy their just rights. was decreasing at the rate of 2per cent. The hon. member went on to deny the de- per annum. As to the Sunday-market, he crease in the negro population. He was thought the sacredness of that day ought taken by surprise by the assertion, and not to be disregarded, and that another

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