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that when the single men were without opinion, that any general inquiry and employment, they applied to the overseers any general measure for the improvement of the parish for relief; who sent them by or alteration of the Game-laws, ought to scores to work upon the roads, and the be commenced in the other branch of the uniform result was, that they were sent to legislature. As he had always opposed work upon bread-money wages-that was the bill for the sale of game, he could not to say, upon just as much as the justices vote for it now; but in dividing against it, of the peace deemed to be sufficient for he did not mean to pledge himself to the minimum of existence. These men support a proposal for a committee. He were sometimes sent to pick stones, and was anxious to repress the prevailing rage were allowed 4d. or 6d. per day, whilst for legislation upon every trifling matter. others were allowed ls. per day, because Earl Darnley said, he had declared, they were married men. He had some- many years ago, his opinion in favour of times found, that the young men were a bill upon the principle of that now sent to pick stones in fields where no offered for a second reading, on the ground, stones were to be found, in order that that the law, as it stood, was perpetually their time might be consumed for a trifling violated. He therefore should support the remuneration; and this happened in a coun- motion without deciding whether the try full of great roads near the capital, measure might not need modification in and in a highly cultivated agricultural the committee. After all that had been district. This want of employment among so ably stated—he was satisfied that justice the labouring poor was the grand cause of could not be done without a thorough inpoaching. He was so satisfied of this, vestigation. That the Game-laws were that he had endeavoured to put an end absurd and anomalous, and ought to be to poaching by employing the people revised, no man would deny. In reference through the winter, and with such success to the state of the peasantry of Engthat there was hardly a poacher to be land, and to the operation which a repeal found in his parish. He sent them to work of the Game-laws might have in producing together in small companies ; and he found non-residence, he wished to call the atthat they worked with great emulation, tention of their lordships to the almost although they were very dissatisfied when hopeless condition of the people of Ireland. working singly. He had pursued this Whoever had looked into the subject must course for four years; and although he know, that the increased facility of comhad not so many pheasants on his estates munication between the two countries, and as some noble lords, yet he had a good the deplorable want of employment in many, and he found that none of those Ireland, had induced a number of Irish persons destroyed any game, but that they labourers to visit this country, and the were growing up an industrious set of men, evil was every year augmented. whilst the young people of the neighbouring The Marquis of Salisbury said, it was parishes were not only idle and engaged in the object of his bill to put down the poaching, but were sent in considerable warfare that was going on in the country numbers to the tread-mill every winter. between the poachers and gamekeepers, He was satisfied that such was the state who were as regularly opposed to each of a great part of the country; and that other as any two factions in times of the first step to be taken to remedy it civil war. This state of things was, no was, to open the sale of game, to take doubt, partly owing to the total want of away that strange principle, that whatever employment among the lower orders. It might be a man's character or influence, was his intention to propose a bill which or personal property, if he had not a friend would give the overseers of parishes who who could send him game, there was no might choose to adopt the plan which he other course by which he could obtain it should have to propose, the means of than by openly encouraging robbery. He affording employment to the poor. was satisfied, if their lordships should pass Lord Clifden said, he should be glad to the bill, that the most beneficial consequen- support the proposition of the noble lord, ces would result from it.

if he thought it would prevent the civil Lord Teynham said, he should vote war which was going on between the with great pleasure for the second reading poachers and gamekeepers. It was worth of the bill.

their lordships attention to try to prevent The Marquis of Londonderry was of such a state of things.

The House then divided, For the second reading 26, Against it 24; Majority 2; Lord Wharncliffe then moved, "That a select committee be appointed to take into consideration the laws relating to Game and to report their opinion thereon to the House.-Agreed to."

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, February 14.

testant Dissenters in Ireland enjoyed that civil and religious liberty which was denied to them in England. The Puritans of Ireland had, at one time, regarded the Catholics with jealousy and distrust; but ever since they had received these privileges, from the wisdom of the Irish parliament, fifty years ago, all jealousy and distrust had been put an end to. He thought the petition ought to circulate throughout the land, that it might tend to li

This would be a happy country, if it were a more liberal one. To grant the claims of the Dissenters could not endanger the established church in England; since it had not done any injury to the established church in Ireland. If all these disabilities were removed, the government would be saved a vast deal of trouble. They occasioned schisms in families; and, not only in families, but in the government itself. They would not have to run about in search of a chancellor of the Exchequer; nor to seek for a first lord of the Treasury in the army, if these distinctions were done away with.

Ordered to lie on the table.

VOTE OF THANKS TO SIR E. CODRINGTON-BATTLE OF NAVARIN.] Mr. Hobhouse rose, and addressed the House as follows:

TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS-PE-beralize the whole Christain community. TITION OF ROMAN CATHOLICS FOR REPEAL OF.] Mr. J. Smith said, he held in his hand a petition, to which he must beg to call the attention of the House. It was from the Catholic body in Ireland, in favour of the claims of the Protestant Dissenters of England. He was authorized to assure the House, that the individuals who had signed this petition, being three thousand in number, comprised within themselves nearly all the wealth, character, and respectability of Ireland. He confessed that, though he was aware of the liberal spirit which pervaded the Catholics of Ireland, he could not help feeling a little surprised at the truly generous manner in which they expressed themselves in this petition. The hon. member, after reading several parts of the petition, insisted upon the right of every man to worship God in whatever way he pleased. That sentiment was well expressed in the petition; it had been gaining ground every day; he was glad of it, and he regretted that its progress had been so slow, for the denial of it had caused torrents of blood and tears to flow. He had had occasion to state in that House, on presenting a petition to the same effect as this, that the Dissenters petitioned for themselves; that they were totally independent of the Catholics. The Dissenters presented their own case, in their own name. The present petition, he was also bound to say, did not originate in any league between the Catholics and the Protestant Dissenters it proceeded from the Catholics alone. It was the spontaneous assistance of the Catholics to the cause of the Protestant Dissenters, in whose disabilities they sympathized.

I

In presuming, Sir, to offer myself to the House upon this occasion, I am fully aware that I have need of all, and much more than all, the usual indulgence bestowed upon its members-that usual indulgence which, I feel proud to say, while with gratitude I avow it, has been often and freely bestowed upon me. I say have need of all its indulgence; for, however often the same vote which I now mean to propose has passed this Househowever often the representatives of the country have been called upon to express their gratitude and the gratitude of the nation for services performed, and for victories achieved, by their gallant countrymen in arms, by land or by sea-never, except on one occasion, when the late Mr. Sheridan moved the Thanks of this House to the English Volunteers an occasion Mr. A. Dawson said, the petition plainly which, as far as respects the highly-disshowed, that whatever prejudices the Ca- tinguished individual who moved those tholic church might once have entertained, thanks, can form no precedent or apology they were now very rapidly abating, or for any ordinary man to undertake the rather they were totally extinct. The pe- same task-never, I repeat, has the propotitioners said, they rejoiced that the Pro-sition for such a Vote of Thanks, on such

an occasion, been submitted to the appro- | field, are to be subject to all the intrigues bation of this House, unless by a member of parties, and the wiles of cabinets, it is belonging to his majesty's councils. At impossible to say whether the hero of the the same time, I cannot help thinking, one day may not become the adventurer and the idea has often occurred to me of the next, and whether the parliament when deliberating upon these matters on which, under the influence of one minister, other occasions, and long before I bad might be prepared to praise, may not, when reason to apply my mind to the case now controlled by his successor, be ready for before the House, that it would be a pre- reproof, perhaps, for punishment. To ferable arrangement, and one calculated such a dependence upon accidents, an to throw a greater degree of lustre upon officer devoting his life and labours to his the event, if a Vote of Thanks for merito-country should not be subject. He should, rious services were occasionally seen to on the contrary, be safe from all political emanate from some member of the House storms, and from all the vicissitudes which not immediately connected with the go- chequer the lives of statesmen. He should vernment. If a vote of this description has feel sure that no change of administration any value at all, it is because we suppose could affect his character, and that havit to be the unbiassed and unaffected ex- ing once deserved the thanks of his pression of national gratitude; and though country, those thanks would be inevitably it is true, that propositions of this nature conferred. It is clear that, so long as have ever found a responsive feeling in the proposals such as I am about to make, bosom of every man, yet it seems equally proceed invariably from ministers, the clear that a minister of the Crown, when commanders of our feets and armies can bringing such matters under the consider- feel no such security. They must, to a ation of the House, necessarily stands certain degree, be involved in the fate of upon an eminence of power and of influ- those political servants of the Crown who ence which no member opposed to the called for their services. Their honour government can hope to command, and may be the plaything, perhaps the victim, from which, he must, in some degree, be able of a courtier. Nothing can be more to sway the opinions and direct the judg- unfair-nothing more unjust-nothing ment, of parliament. Let me also add that, more detrimental—to the public service. if this duty is never to devolve upon any. A practice involving such consequences but a person connected with the govern- should be abandoned; and it appears to ment, it appears plain, that those who may me that the late achievement at Navarin, be called upon by a sense of their consti- affords an opportunity which should not tutional duty to oppose that government, be suffered to pass by unimproved [hear, are condemned to all that is irksome and hear!). painful in that duty—the necessity of con- When, Sir, I make use of these restantly finding fault; while they are wholly flections, I beg it to be understood deprived of the more pleasing task of of- that I disclaim any intention of introducfering their homage to merit, or returning ing party politics on this occasion. I think the thanks of a grateful country to those that such an attempt would be as inapwho labour in its service. I cannot help propriate to the subject as it would be thinking still further, that even for the unfair to the character and fortune of that sake of those whose services may place gallant admiral and his brave companions, them in a condition to receive those thanks, whose services I am anxious to reward. I it would be highly desirable that the usage must suppose, in speaking upon this subin these cases should be occasionally ject, that it is the intention of his majesty's departed from. For is it not obvious, that government not to leave that gallant officer under the present practice, those who may and his companions without the usual be called upon to command our fleets, or reward ; and I therefore think it right to our armies, must be in a great measure say further, that I vish wholly to separate dependent upon accidental circumstances, the merit of their achievements from the and private or political views, for much of propriety of the policy which sent them to their final renown, rather than upon any the scene of their triumph. of those chances and dangers to which decided intention not to use a single phrase they are subjected by their profession? If which can provoke political discussion, or the fame and the fortunes of those who even to drop a single expression which

a fight our battles on the ocean, or in the may be construed into an attempt to in

It is my

troduce party dissentions; and in the examinations and inquiries I have felt it necessary to make as to precedents, I am happy to say I have found that line always adopted when there was a chance of any difference as to the policy which sent our victorious armies into the field of action.

On a late occasion, when this subject was mentioned, I took the liberty of observing to the noble lord opposite (lord Palmerston), that there was a precedent which tallied, in my opinion, with the case now under consideration. Since that evening, I have discovered that the precedent of the Copenhagen expedition applies even more closely than I supposed, and particularly as to the distinction drawn between the policy which sent out the force, and the action for which the commander and his followers entitled themselves to the gratitude of their country. I find that lord Liverpool, in proposing a vote of thanks to those who served at Copenhagen, expresses himself thus "Were that expedition as unjust and unnecessary as he thought it just and necessary, or as impolitic and unwise as he thought it politic and wise, still he would contend, that that would be no ground of opposition to a Vote of Thanks to those who had so ably and skilfully executed the services which that expedition required." These were the sentiments of ford Liverpool upon a case almost precisely in point, and to them I now earnestly request the attention of the House. Besides the opinion of lord Liverpool in favour of the Vote of Thanks for the expedition to Copenhagen, Mr. Perceval strongly supported that vote, and supported it on the ground of the manner of its execution by the army and navy, apart from the policy of the measure. His language on that occasion was, "he hoped the House would not refuse their thanks to the officers engaged in this expedition, because they had executed a painful and heart-rending duty." Such was the language of Mr. Perceval; and to the same effect also was the language of lord Castlereagh. In introducing the Vote of Thanks to the army and navy for the expedition at Copenhagen, that noble lord made use of this language:"Whatever difference of opinion there might be as to the political character of the expedition in this House, he flattered himself that no difference would exist on the proposition he was about to submit. It had always been the

custom to consider the services rendered by his majesty's army and navy, in carrying into effect the orders with which they were intrusted, distinctly and separately from the merits of the policy, by which his majesty's ministers were actuated in issuing those orders" [hear, hear!]. If, then, this was admitted to be the practice of the House of Commons in former times, surely there can be no just grounds for deviating from it on the present. Lord Castlereagh went on to remark, that the Vote of Thanks "was a justice due to the army and the navy, who were never called upon to decide as to the propriety or impropriety, nor to mix their conduct with that of those by whose impulse they acted, and who alone were responsible for the prudence, justice, wisdom, and policy of the plans they directed to be carried into execution" [hear, hear!]. It was therefore due to the army and navy to look only to the execution; which was the distinct service that fell to their charge. But it was not to the army and navy alone that this distinct consideration now was a point of justice, but also to the gentlemen of the House who might differ from his majesty's ministers as to the propriety of the plans that might be carried into effect.-These gentlemen would naturally wish to bear testimony as warmly as any other, to the meritorious conduct of his majesty's army and navy; but they would find difficulty in so doing, with satisfaction, if the merits of the army and navy were not submitted in a shape wholly distinct from the conduct of ministers [cheers].

If such a course, Sir, was adopted towards the army and navy, for the skill and ability in the execution of the expedition to Copenhagen; if on that occasion all party politics were to be deprecated--the conduct of ministers left out of sight-how much higher grounds are there in the present instance for following a similar line of conduct towards our brave countrymen, for the skill and courage displayed by them at Navarin. Let the House bear in mind how the expedition to Copenhagen was spoken of by some of the most distinguished members of parliament at that period. Lord Sidmouth designated it "an outrage." Lord Grenville and lord Ellenborough denounced it as an "indelible disgrace to this country." Mr. Windham and doctor Laurence both termed it "a lasting monument of disgrace." Mr. Whitbread branded it as "a treacherous and base aggression "

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365
Battle of Navarin.

FEB. 14, 1828.

366 on our part. Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Tierney, tion on the event was inserted in the king's and other distinguished members of parlia- Speech, and re-echoed by the addresses in ment spoke of it in corresponding language both Houses. Finally, thanks were voted of obloquy and condemnation. Yet all to the officers without a moment's delay; this, Sir, did not prevent a Vote of Thanks and so persevering was the government to from being passed in this House to the justify the whole exploit and to support army and navy who were engaged in the their officers in every department, that execution of that expedition. In the the very Ordnance and Transport Boards House of Lords, no division took place on were included in the general commendathe vote. There was, indeed, an objection tion. taken to that vote by lords Holland and How different, Sir, has been the fate of Grey, the principal ground of which was, those who have now performed this great that thanks were not only voted to the deed of arms! I find no congratulation army who were engaged, but also to the in the Royal Speech on this extraordinary navy who had no opportunity of displaying achievement-Anachievementwhich, as far their skill on that occasion. Indeed I be- as relates to the glory of the British arms, lieve that there was not a single shot fired and to the interests of civilization and from any of our large ships during that humanity, is far more calculated than the expedition, and that whatever naval warfare expedition to Copenhagen to warrant the took place was confined to gun-boats and expression of national congratulation, and bomb-vessels. Nevertheless, this objec- to call forth the expression of national tion was overruled by lord Moira, who gratitude [cheers). It is on account of had signed the protest against the expedi- this omission of congratulatory expression tion ; and who contended, “ that it was not in the Royal Speech, and because no memfor officers sent upon an expedition to ber of his majesty's government has projudge of its policy; their only duty was to posed a suitable acknowledgment to our execute the service intrusted to them, and brave countrymen, that I, Sir-an inif they did it with skill, success, and ability, dependent member of parliament-may, I they were fairly entitled to thanks.” In trust, be excused and justified in calling any of those objections which were made forth such an acknowledgment of the sense on that occasion, or in any of the pro- which this House entertains of their tests which were entered into, there was no meritorious conduct. Pursuing this line attempt made to make the troops engaged of argument as to the propriety which in the expedition responsible for any thing I feel of bringing this subject under the more than for the faithful performance of consideration of the House, in the omisthe duty assigned them. In the division sion to do so in those quarters in which which took place in this House, on the the mention of it might have been expected Vote of Thanks, and in the minority on to originate, I would remind the House, that division, I observe the names of the that the action of Navarin was the conpresent Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and sequence of instructions which emanated my hon. colleague. Their opposition rested from the lamented Mr. Canning; who, if on the fact of there being no naval action no unfortunate accident had befallen the to justify a Vote of Thanks to the navy. country in his spirit being withdrawn from This consideration, together with the over- the councils of the nation--if he had not whelming superiority of our force; the been removed between the period of issuing imbecile resistance made to it, and the his instructions and the glorious execution whole exploit, in which, after four days' of them-would not have permitted the fighting there were not more than three services of those, by whom those instruchundred killed and wounded, did not, in tions were executed, to pass unacknowthe estimation of those who opposed that ledged and unrewarded. That same minis. vote, constitute an achievement of that ter was in office when the Copenhagen character which entitled troops engaged in expedition was performed. It was planned it to the express approbation of parliament. —at least it has always been so underBut the ministry of that day took care to stood ---by Mr. Canning, who was Secreset their seal upon the victory. When tary for Foreign Affairs at the time; and the news first arrived, the Park and Tower if he had not continued in office from guns were fired. Lord Gambier, who its commencement to its close, it is not commanded the naval forces, was made a improbable that the Vote of Thanks which peer. The strongest possible congratula- were passed to lord Cathcart and admiral

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