assumed, in order that, if he were wrong so little studious of his own private inhe might be set right at once. The reason terests, and so anxious to prefer those of why he had assumed that the arrangement the public that he was ready to resign it? was completed, and next that it was made Was that, he begged to ask the noble lord, on party considerations, was because such indicative of a disposition to destroy the was his impression, and because he wished government?. He put it to the noble lord that, if in that impression he was wrong, in candour whether, in this point of view, he should be set right without delay, by a he had not wholly misunderstood the denial of the correctness of those assump- spirit of his letter? He would ask any tions. Was that denial made? Was it gentleman of fair dealing, whether, when stated that the arrangement was not con- one man wrote to another, and stated his cluded, or that it had not been made from impression upon a particular subjectparty motives? No such denials had been when he mentioned to him, that such was given; nay more, was it not proved in the his judgment and such his impression upon result, that the arrangement had been that subject, with the view that if he were completed ? [Cries of “ No, no.”] He in error he might be set right, by explana-repeated, he was justified in the assump- tion or denial of what he assumed, and tion he had made, that it was so. He asked, that there was no explanation and no had any bargain been made ? No. Was denial given, he would not be warranted in there any understanding on the subject? concluding, that his assumption had been Yes. Was it open to discussion ? No. right, and his impression correct? But There was an understanding, it seemed, the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Wynn) had but the matter was not open to discussion. asked, whether, when at the return of lord Then he maintained, that he was perfectly Goderich to the government, and when he right in assuming these points as facts, in had promised to support him, he had any order that he might be undeceived at once intention to resign? He would say in if he were in error. And here he must re- answer to this, that it was his intention to mark upon the improper colouring, given assert his own right, with respect to the by the noble lord who spoke last, to his finance committee. The fact was, that it letter, when he drew from it the conclusion, was not his intention to resign at that that it was written with a view to break up time. Did it follow that, because he was the government. Why, what was there ! disposed to assert his right on that point, in that letter which tended to destroy the that his resignation must have been the government. Was not the offer made in consequence? He had no right to assume fair and amicable terms, that he was willing that the noble lord at the head of the governto withdraw himself from the administra- ment would have denied him the justice tion, in order that the government might he asked, or that his letter to him would be go on better? He had said petulantly productive of his resignation. He had no that he would resign, lest any misconstruc- right to assume that, after that letter, he tion should be put upon it; but finding was not to go on as before. This, then, that he differed from some of his colleagues was his anwswer to the questions put by on what he considered an important point, the right hon. gentleman. The subject had he calmly, and in the most friendly terms, not been a matter of consideration among offered to place his office at the disposal of his colleagues generally. It was not disthenoblelord at the head of the government. cussed in the cabinet. It was merely He would refer the noble lord to the terms between himself and one of his right hon. of his letter, to bear him out in that state- friends; and therefore he trusted it would ment. Looking at that letter, and bearing be readily conceded to him, that the time in mind the statement with which he had of the return of lord Goderich to the governaccompanied it, he called upon the noble ment was not the most proper for the inlord - divesting himself of all considera- troduction of such a matter, and to force tions of party feeling, and forgetting that it on the attention of the cabinet. Besides, he sat on the opposition side--to state he had no reason to believe that when he manfully what there was in its spirit tend- should mention the subject, the justice to ing to destroy the government. "It showed which he thought he was entitled would that he was anxious to retire from office. be denied to him. He was not therefore Was that a great crime? Was it a great disposed to press it at that moment. If he crime, that he was so little tenacious of had done so, and introduced it to the the honours and emoluments of that office, cabinet, he had no doubt it would not a have met with consideration at that time; I agree with his hon. colleague, that some and the fact of his mentioning it might, measure was necessary to correct the evils perhaps, be taken as an indication that he of the present system of polling; but, at wished to upset the government. It was the same time he thought that great caubecause he had no such intention that he tion should be observed not to abridge did not mention the subject on the 19th. the rights of those who possessed the He hoped this would be sufficient to satisfy elective franchise. the right hon. gentleman as to his motives Lord Lowther thought it necessary to for not pressing the matter, which, when have a number of booths and polling it was pressed, was not, he knew, the places in large towns, to avoid the access cause of upsetting the government. to the hustings being blocked up by the Mr. Brougham said, that from the feel adverse parties. He should look with ing manifested by the House, it appeared jealousy to the progress of the bill, as it to him that it was not its wish that this appeared to him not to afford safficient matter should be pressed further, the more time for bringing up voters from London to particularly as no further explanation could distant places. be expected from the right hon. gentleman. Mr. Batley was of opinion, that all the There was only one word which he would evils complained of under the present sysadd on the subject, in reference to what tem, arose from the too long duration of had fallen from the right hon. gentleman the time of polling. In the borough which as to his (Mr. B.'s) not having spoken ad- he represented, the election was generally visedly, when he stated that the right hon. concluded in one day, and the number of gentleman had volunteered a gratuitous voters polled on the last occasion was explanation. He begged to assure him, one thousand five hundred, including that he had spoken advisedly on that three hundred out-voters. occasion, and he was borne out in it Mr. W. Smith said, that the existing by his noble friend; for he remembered inconveniences were allowed on all hands. that the right hon. gentleman had alluded By shortening the period, and lessening to attacks made upon himn in the news the expenses of elections, the House papers, and had culled and selected one would, he was convinced, be enlarging point of attack, and had given his answer and not restraining the elective franchise. to it. Mr. Fyler disapproved of increasing Here the conversation dropped. the number of polling booths. He dis liked to see electors shut up in different Mode CITIES pens like so many sheep. He thought Boroughs Polls.] Colonel Davies rose they ought rather to assemble in a body, for leave to bring in a Bill, “ for regulat- and express their feelings in a united ing the Mode of taking the Polls in Cities voice. and Boroughs in England." In bringing Mr. Baring said, that six days, forward this motion, he was, he said, the the term proposed in the bill for organ of a committee appointed to inquire the duration of the poll, appeared to him into the abuses which it was proposed insufficient. He thought, likewise, that by the bill to remedy. The object of if the object was, to curtail expense, the the bill was to extend the facilities having a number of polling places was of voting at present enjoyed by electors; not the way to effect it ; seeing that the and the mode in whicn it was proposed to candidates would be obliged to have coundo so, was by increasing the number of sel at each place. places at which polls were taken, and by Mr. Secretary Peel suggested to the limiting the duration of those elections. hon. mover, that the best argument he At present every election presented a scene could bring in aid of his bill would be of licentiousness and riot; the contest was some instances of the benefit which had always a source of immense expense; and resulted from the abridgment of the poll by the stagnation of business, and the in- in particular places. In Norwich, he terruption of all affairs of trade, the loss believed, the duration of the poll had been was greatly increased. He anticipated no considerably shortened. He threw out opposition, and should at present confine this suggestion, seeing that one practical himself to his motion for leave to bring in instance would have greater weight than the bill. innumerable arguments à priori. Mr. Robinson said, he was disposed to was disposed to. The Attorney-General said, that the OF TAKING Mr. 801 shortening of the duration of the poll would transmitted to the only government-office either deprive out-voters of their franchise, in London which possessed a professional or compel candidates to bring them up actuary; namely, the office of the Comnumerically and bodily, at an enormous missioners for reducing the National Debt. expense. Mr. Hume expressed himself satisfied Leave was given to bring in the bill. with the explanation. Leave was given to bring in the bill. FRIENDLY Societies.] Mr. Courtenay moved for leave to bring in a bill “to con- PAROCHIAL SETTLEMENTS.] solidate and amend the Laws relating to Potter Macqueen rose, pursuant to notice, Friendly Societies." to move for a select committee “ to take Mr. Hume said, that great anxiety into consideration the Law of Parochial existed as to the object which the hon. Settlements.” The hon. member said, that gentleman had in view. An idea pre- after deliberating whether he should embody vailed, that it was the intention of the at once the alterations which he proposed hon. member to take away from friendly to make in the laws relating to parochial societies the power of appointing their settlement into a distinct bill, or ask for treasurers and other officers; which, in the committee of inquiry, he had thought it opinion of persons connected with those his duty to prefer the latter mode ; because, societies, would destroy the system alto- if it should be thought that there was too gether. He was satisfied that the hon. much of novelty in his views, they would member had no such intention; but hoped be better digested and come with stronger that, to allay the apprehensions of others, recommendation from the hon. members he would take that opportunity of stating whom he intended to propose as a comwhat his object was. mittee. The first objection against the Mr. Courtenay said, it might be a suf- laws relative to parochial settlements was, ficient answer to what had fallen from the that they were founded upon ancient hon, member, to state that the bill which habits of serfship, and militated against he proposed to bring in, did not in any the liberty of the subject. Under the predegree affect the societies formed other- sent system, the unfortunate pauper, on wise than under the act which he had the the approach of illness, age, or disability, honour to introduce in 1819. The new might, together with his family, be dragged bill would interfere no further in the matter like criminals from one end of the country of appointing officers than the former bill to the other, till they were finally lodged did." The existing act required that there in some obscure parish, where, according should be certain trustees, and that they to the opinion of any two magistrates in should appoint the treasurer. The act in the vicinity, they had done some act to terfered in no other way with the manage- entitle them to a settlement. This harsh ment of the societies ; so far from it, that and evil policy had been strongly depreall clauses in former acts relating to their cated by sir William Blackstone and by management were repealed by it. Except Mr. Pitt. The former had declared, in his in the matter of securities, the societies Commentaries that, “notwithstanding the framed under his act had more direct pains which have been taken about the management of their affairs than those laws of settlement, they still remain very framed under Mr. Rose's act. The act he imperfect, and inadequate to the purposes had introduced was intended to obviate they are designed for: a fate that has the numerous evils which resulted from mis- generally attended most of our statute calculation ; for which purpose it provided, laws, where they have not the foundation that justices should not allow any society of the common law to build on. When to be formed, whose tables of payments the shires, the hundreds, and the tithings, and benefits should not have been ap- were kept in the same admirable order, proved by two competent actuaries. in that they were disposed in by the great the execution of this provision, however, a Alfred, there were no persons idle; condifficulty arose : it was not easy to know sequently none but the impotent that who were competent actuaries. To get needed relief; and the 43rd Statute of rid of this obstacle, he would propose, in Elizabeth seems entirely founded on the the bill he was about to introduce, that same principle. But when this excellent the rules and tables exhibited at the ses- scheme was neglected and departed from, sions should be, by the clerk of the peace,' we cannot but observe with concern, what miserable shifts and lame expedients have played off, and instead of rushing into prefrom time to time been adopted, in order cipitate marriage, as at present, the parties to patch up the flaws occasioned by this remained in service a few years, reserving neglect." "Mr. Pitt also had, in the year their mutual wages, and then coming to1796, declared in that House, that the gether with the full consent and approbalaw of settlement “had been peculiarly tion of their employers, to whom they prejudicial to industry; for, by preventing looked for support and encouragement in the circulation of labour, it had increased after life. What was now the contrast? the burthens of the country, and by op- At present, the farmer dared not hire a pressing individuals diminished the riches labourer out of another parish, for fear he of the state.”—The hon. member then should become an inmate of his own ; and referred to the statutes of Richard 2nd, when he looked to that parish he found Henry 7th, and Edward 6th, c. 1, which the demand so inadequate to the supply, were enacted to repress“ vagabondry," that he was unfortunately too often in- . and directed the poor to repair to the place duced to prefer the wretched system of where they were born, or were most con- roundsmen to that of the fairly remunerated versant with for three years ;-to the and independent labourer.--Another, and modification of these laws by the act of a most important branch of the general James 1st, which reduced this qualifica- subject was settlement by marriage. That tion to one year; and to the 43rd of the wife should follow the settlement of the Elizabeth. During her long reign, a husband appeared at first sight only just system of miserable expedients might be and reasonable, but to the perversion of traced, of entreating, asking, demanding, this law much evil might be attributed.and enforcing, charity. To the provisions At present, a female of the poorest class of the act made in the latter period of her had not only no motive to preserve her reign, might be attributed, no less the character, but on the contrary, she bad present miserable burthen on the landed every inducement to forfeit her reputation ; interest, than the wretched and humiliating as, by so doing, she was likely to obtain degradation of the poor themselves. From not merely a husband, but, what was to that time to the Restoration, in the 13th her of much greater consequence, a right and 14th of Charles 2nd, the statutes so to select a certain parish, and by swearing rapidly multiplied, that regular notice of her child to a man of that parish, compel them would be almost impossible. He him to marry her. The consequence of would therefore turn to the heads of set- these forced marriages was obvious; the tlement, in order to ascertain what clauses peasantry were married whilst mere chilmight be satisfactorily pointed out for dren, and before they had formed any revision; or, if it should be thought fit, for virtuous or lasting attachments; certainly, extirpation. The first was the “ Law of before they had laid by any reserve to meet Hiring, and Service.” Exclusive of the the future exigencies of a family. They extravagant litigation which, from the considered that family as the property of number of appeal causes—three thousand the parish which must maintain them. in three years—which the law as it at They were brought up dependent upon present stood gave rise to, the effect was the parish, and independent of their most pernicious, as far as it regarded the parents; and in fact—to use an expression moral condition of the poor. Some years formerly applied—as legitimate paupers.ago, said the hon. member, the residence What he hoped to effect was, that in so of every respectable farmer presented a serious and solemn a moral obligation, no school for domestic and agricultural pur- legal compulsion whatever should be suits. It contained a number of hired exerted : there might, probably, be diffiservants of both sexes, who dwelt under culties, chiefly as to providing for natural the same roof, and not unfrequently lived children ; still, no system of general policy at the same board with their masters and which militated against domestic morality mistresses. They were, consequently, iden- could be publicly justified. Now, the tified with their prosperity; and anxious most simple and efficacious remedy in to repay the kindness they experienced, by this case would be to enact, that in every attention to the interests of their all cases where a child might be born employers. There they acquired habits of within six months of the marriage of the honesty, sobriety, and regular industry; parents, such a child should belong to there, too, the romance of humble life was the parish of the mother, and not of the a a father. This would put a stop to the jug- ROMAN CATHOLIC LAND TAX BILL.] Cclonel Wood said, he thought it would his mind, that the hon. mover of the bill be advisable to give the powers of the com- was rather hostile to the Roman Cathomittee a wider range, as there were many lics; but he supposed the hon. member other points, with respect to the Poor introduced this motion as a sort of balsam Laws, which must necessarily force them- —that he intended by it to pour oil into selves upon their consideration. In some the wounds of that body. He disclaimed parts of the country, the rate of wages was all hostility to the Roman Catholics. He so low, that even a single man could with cared not whether a man came from Candifficulty support himself without parochial terbury or Rome, and thought that the aid. It was not his intention to trespass Roman Catholic ought not to pay a larger upon the attention of the House on that amount of taxation than the Protestant. occasion ; but if no other member took So much for the policy of the bill; it was the matter up, he should feel it his duty much more material to consider its justo move, that the committee should have tice. There was, in his opinion, no hardpower to embrace the more general ques- ship whatever in the existing system ; or tion of the Poor-laws. if any, it fell almost entirely on the inhaThe motion was agreed to, and a com- bitants of the southern counties of Engmittee appointed. The name of the At- land; and they, in his opinion, had a torney-general being included, stronger claim to relief than the Roman The Attorney General said, he could Catholics. not promise to give his general attendance Mr. Fyler said, he should be the last man at the committee, in consequence of his in the world to object to a measure like the professional avocations. What assistance present, which was intended to do justice he could afford short of such attend to persons whose rights appeared to have ance, he was very willing to contribute. been injured ; but, at the same time, as Mr. Macqueen declared himself satisfied the indulgence which was now sought to with the occasional assistance of the hon. be granted to the Catholics must come and learned gentleman. out of the public purse, he thought it was |