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the other hand, the Sequani (tho' Borderers on the Edui) were under the Protection of the Arverni, lib. 1. cap. 12. lib. 6. cap. 4. The Romans finding fuch-like Diffentions to be for their Intereft; that is, proper Opportunities to enlarge their own Power, did all they cou'd to foment them: And therefore made a League with the Adui, whom (with a great many Compliments) they ftyled Brothers and Friends

the People of Rome. Under the Protection and League of the Edui, I find to have been firft the Senones, with whom fome time before the Parifians had joyn'd their Commonwealth in League and Amity. Next, the Bellouaci, who had nevertheless a great City of their own, abounding in Numbers of People, and were of principal Authority and Repute among the Belge, lib. 2. cap. 4. and lib. 7. cap. 7. Cæfar reckons the Centrones, Grudii, Lavaci, Pleumofii, Gordunni, under the Dominion of the Nervi, lib. 5. cap. II. He names the Eburones and Condrufii as Clients of the Treviri, lib. 4. cap. 2. And of the Commonwealth of the Veneti (thefe are in Armorica or Britanny) he writes, that their Domination extended over all thofe Maritime Regions; and that almost all that frequented thofe Seas were their Tributaries, lib. 3. cap. 2. But the Power of the Arverni was fo great, that it not only equall'd that of the Adui, but a little before Cafar's arrival, had got most of their Clients and Dependents from them, lib. 6. cap. 4. lib. 7. cap. 10. Whereupon, as Strabo writes in his 4th Book, they made War against Cæfar with Four hundred thousand Men under the Conduct of their General Vercingetoris. These were very averfe to Kingly Government: So that Celtillus, Father to Vereingetorix, 4 Mar

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a Man of great Power and Reputation (reckon'd the first Man in all Gaul,) was put to Death, by Order of his Commonwealth, for afpiring to the Kingdom. The Sequani, on the other hand, had a King, one Catamantales, to whom the Romans gave the title of their Friend and Ally, lib. 1. cap. 2. Alfo the Sueffiones, who were Masters of moft large and fertile Territories, with 12 great Cities, and cou'd mufter Fifty thousand fighting Men, had a little before that time Divitiacus, the most potent Prince of all Gallia for their King; he had not only the Command of the greateft part of Belge, but even of Britanny. At Cæfar's arrival they had one Galba for their King, lib. 2. cap. 1. In Aquitania, the Grandfather of one Pifo an Aquitanian, reigned, and was called Friend by the People of Rome, lib. 4. cap. 3. The Senones, a People of great ftrength and authority among the Gauls, had for fome time Moritafgus their King; whofe Ancestors had also been Kings in the fame place, lib. 5. cap. 13. The Nitiobriges, or Agenois, had Olovico for their King; and he alfo had the Appellation given him of Friend by the Senate of Rome, lib. 7.

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But concerning all these Kingdoms, one thing is remarkable, and must not lightly be paft by; which is, That they were not hereditary, but conferr'd by the People upon fuch as had the reputation of being juft Men. Secondly, That they had no arbitrary or unlimited Authority, but were bound and circumfcribed by Laws; fo that they were no lefs accountable to, and fubject to the Power of the People, than the People was to theirs; infomuch that thofe Kingdoms feem'd nothing elfe but Magiftracies for life.

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For Cæfar makes mention of feveral private Men, whofe Ancestors had formerly been fuch Kings; among these he reckons Cafticus, the Son of Catamantales, whofe Father had been King of the Sequani many years, lib. 1. cap. 2. and Pifo the Aquitanian, lib. 4. cap. 3. alfo Tafgetius, whofe Ancestors had been Kings among the Carnutes, lib. 5. cap. 8.

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Now concerning the Extent of their Power and Jurifdiction, he brings in Ambiorix, King of the Eburones, giving an account of it, lib. 5. cap. 8. "The Conftitution of our Government is fuch (fays he) that the People have no lefs Power and Authority over me than I have over the People. Non minus habet in me juris multitudo, quam ipfe in multitudinem. Which Form of Government, Plato, Ariftotle, Polybius and Cicero have for this reafon determined to be the best and most Excellent: "Becaufe. (fays Plato) Thou'd Kingly Government be " left without a Bridle, when it has attained to fupreme Power, as if it ftood upon a slippery place, it easily falls into Tyranny: 5. And therefore it ought to be reftrained as with a Curb, by the Authority of the No"bles; and fuch chofen Men as the People "have empower'd to that end and purpofe.

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CHA P. II

Probable Conjectures concerning the ancient Language of the Gauls.

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N this place it feems proper to handle a queftion much difputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; viz. What was the Language of the Gauls in thofe old times? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, Cæfar, as I faid before, has at large given us an account. the first place we ought to take notice, that Cafar, in the beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into three Nations, the Belga, the Aquitana, and the Celta, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their Customs, but in their Language: Which alfo Strabo confirms, 'Axx'cní- lib. 4. where he fays they were not duties, sxe of one Language, but a little differing in their - Languages. And the fame thing Ammianus Marcellinus teftifies in his 15th Book. But what many learned Men (efpecially of our own Country) have maintain'd, viz. That the Gauls commonly used the Greek Tongue, may be refu ted by this fingle inftance which Cæfar takes notice of lib. 5. cap. 12. That when 2. Cicero was befieged in his Camp, he dispatched Letters written in the Greek Language,"Left (if

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they were intercepted) his Defigns fhou'd be difco"ver'd by the Gauls. But to this fome object, what Strabo writes, lib. 4. viz. "That All forts

of good Literature (and efpecially that of "the Greek Language) flourish'd at Marseilles to

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"fuch a degree, that the Gauls, by the Example of the Maffilians, were mightily delighted "with the Greek Tongue, infomuch that they (c began to write their very bargains and con"tracts in it. Now to this there is a fhort and ready reply: For, in the first place, if the Gauls learnt Greek by the Example of the Maffilians, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mothertongue. Secondly, Strabo in the fame place clearly fhows us, that the fashion of writing their contracts in Greek began but in his time, when all Gallia was in fubjection to the Romans. Befides, he speaks precifely only of those Gauls who were borderers and next neighbours to the Maffilians; of whom he fays, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and propofing great Rewards) invited feveral Learned Men of Maffilia to inftruct their Youth.

It remains that we fhou'd clear that place in Cafar, where he tells us the Gauls, in their publick and private reckonings, Græcis literis ufos fuifle. But let us fee whether the word Græcis in that place ought not to be left out, not only as unneceffary but furreptitious. Since it was fufficient to exprefs Cafar's meaning to have faid, that the Gauls made no ufe of Letters or Writing in the learning of the Druids, but in all other matters, and in publick and private accounts they did make ufe of Writing: For uti litteris, to ufe letters, is a frequent expreffion for Writing among Latin Authors. Befides, it had been a Contradiction to fay the Gauls were unskill'd in the Greek Tongue, as Cæfar had averr'd a lit tle before; and afterwards to fay, that they wrote all their publick and private accounts in Greek. As to what many fuppofe, that the

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