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the other hand, the Sequani (tho’ Borderers on the Adui ) were under the Protection of the Arverni, lib. 1. cap. 12. lib. 6. cap. 4. The Romans finding such-like Diffentions to be for their Interest; that is, proper Opportunities to enlarge their own Power, did all they cou'd to foment them: And therefore made a League with the Adui , whom (with a great many Compliments ) they ftvled Brothers and Friends of the People of Rome. Under the Protection and League of the Adui, I find to have been first the Senones, with whom some time before the Parisians had joyn'd their Commonwealth in League and Amity. Next, the Bellouaci, who had neverthelefs a great City of their own, a. bounding in Numbers of People, and were of principal Authority and Repute among the Belgæ, lib. 2. cap. 4. and lib.7. cap. 7. Cæfar reckons the Centrones, Grudii, Levaci, Pleumofii, Gordunni, under the Dominion of the Nervii, lib. 5. cap. II. He names the Eburones and Condrusii as Clients of the Treviri, lib. 4. cap. 2. And of the Commonwealth of the Veneti ( these are in Armorica or Britanny) he writes, that their Domination extended over all those Maritime Regions; and that almost all that frequented those Seas were their Tributaries, lib. 3. cap. 2. But the Power of the Arverni was so great, that it not only equall'd that of the Adui, but a little before Cæfar's arrival, had got most of their Clients and Dependents from them, lib. 6. cap. 4. lib. 7. cap. 10. Whereupon, as Strabo writes in his 4th Book, they made War against Cæfar with Four hundred thousand Men under the Conduct of their General Vercingetorix. These were very averse to Kingly Governo ment: So that Celtillus, Father to Vereingetorit,

C 2


a Man of great Power and Reputation (reckon’d the first. Man in all Gaul,) was put to: Death, by Order of his Commonwealth, for aspi. ring to the Kingdom. The Sequani, on the other. hand, had a King, one Catamantales, to whom the Romans gave the title of their Friend and. Ally, lib. 1. cap. 2. Also the Suessiones, who, were Masters of most large and fertile Territories, with 12 great Cities, and cou'd muster Fifty thousand fighting Men, had a little before that time Divitiacus, the most potent Prince of all Gallia for their King ; he had not only the Command of the greatest part of Belga, but even of Británny. : At Cæsar's arrival they had one Galba for their King, lib. 2. cap. 1. In Aquitania, the Grandfather of one Piso an Aquitanian, reigned, and was called Friend by the People of Rome, lib. 4. cap. 3. · The Senones, a People of great strength and authority among the Gauls, had for some time Moritasgus their King, whose Ancestors had also been Kings in the same place , lib. 5. cap. 13. The Nitiobriges, or Agenois, had Olovico for their King; and he also had the Appellation given him of Friend by the Senate of Rome , lib. 7. cap. 6.

But concerning all these Kingdoms, one thing is remarkable, and must not lightly be past by; which is, That they were not hereditary, but conferr'd by the People upon such as had the reputation of being just Men. Secondly, That they had no arbitrary or unlimited Authority, but were bound and circumscribed by Laws ; so that they were no less accountable to, and subject to the Power of the People, than the People was to theirs ; insomuch that those Kingdoms feem'd nothing else but Magiftracies for life.


For Cæfar makes mention of several private Men, whose Ancestors had formerly been such Kings; among these he reckons Casticus, the Son of Catamantales, whose Father had been King of the Sequani many years, lib. 1. cap.2. and Piso the Aquitanian, lib. 4. cap. 3. also Tasgetius, whose Ancestors had been Kings among the Carnutes, lib. 5. cap. 8.

Now. concerning the Extent of their Power and Jurisdi&tion, he brings in Ambiorix, King of the Eburones, giving an account of it, lib. 5. cap. 8. “The Constitution of our Govern"ment is such (says he) that the People have “ no lefs Power and Authority over me than “ I have over the People. Non minus habet in " me juris multitudo, quam ipse in multitudinem. Which Form of Government, Plato, Aristotle, Polybius and Cicero have for this reason determined to be the best and most Excellent : “Because " ( says Plato) Tou'd Kingly Government be “ left without a Bridle, when it has attained “ to supreme Power, as if it stood upon a slip

pery place, it easily falls into Tyranny : And therefore it ought to be restrained as

with a Curb, by the Authority of the Nos “ bles; and such chofen Men as the People, “ have empower'd to that end and puf.


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:CH A P. II. Probable Conjectures concerning the

ancient Language of the Gauls.

TN this place it seems proper to handle a I question much disputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; viz. What was the Language of the Gauls in those old times ? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, Cæfar, as I said before, has at large given us an account. In the first place we ought to take notice, that Cæsar, in the beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into three Nations, the Belga, the Aquitanæ, and the Celtæ, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their Customs, but

in their Language : Which also Strabo confirms, 'Anacxí. lib. 4. where he says they were not duo 785, @s qux egy of one Language, but a little differing in their Fre, percé? Languages. And the same thing Ammianus

aus Marcellinus testifies in his 15th Booki But what Jawrious.

many learned Men (especially of our own
Country) have maintain’d, viz. That the Gauls
commonly used the Greek Tongue, may be refu-
ted by this single instance which Cæfar takes
notice of lib. 5. cap. 12. That when 2. Cicero
was besieged in his Camp, he dispatched Let-
ters written in the Greek Language, Left (if
they were intercepted ) bis Designs shou'd be disco-
ver'd by the Gauls. But to this fome object,
what Strabo writes, lib.4. viz." That All sorts
" of good Literature (and especially that of
6. the Greek Language) flourish'd at Marseilles to

“ such

bers and only of the Romane,

such a degree, that the Gauls, by the Exam« ple of the Massilians, were mightily delighted Cc with the Greek Tongue, insomuch that they " began to write their very bargains and con« tracts in it. Now to this there is a short and ready reply : For, in the first place, if the Gauls learnt Greek by the Example of the Mafilians, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mothértongue. Secondly, Strabo in the same place clearly shows us, that the fashion of writing their contracts in Greek began but in his time, when all Gallia was in subjection to the Romans. Besides, he speaks precisely only of those Gauls who were borderers and next neighbours to the Massilians ; of whom he says, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and proposing great Rewards) invited several Learned Men of Malfilia to instruct their Youth. .

It remains that we shou'd clear that place in Cæfar, where he tells us the Gauls, in their publick and private reckonings, Græcis literis ufos fuisse. But let us see whether the word Græcis in that place ought not to be left out, not only as unnecessary but surreptitious. Since it was sufficient to express Cæfar's meaning to have said, that the Gauls made no use of Letters or Writing in the learning of the Druids, but in all other matters, and in publick and private accounts they did make use of Writing : For uti litteris, to use letters, is a frequent expression for Writing among Latin Authors. ' Besides, it had been a Contradiction to say the Gauls were unskill'd in the Greek Tongue, as Cæfar had averr'd a lice

cle before ; and afterwards to say, that they : wrote all their publick and private accounts in Greek. As to what many suppose, that the


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