1 The crowd every moment increased, until the multitude reached the house of Mr. Coyne, the bookseller, of Capel-street, where Mr. O'Connell was supposed to be. The Learned Gentleman had time to escape, and made his way privately to his residence in Merrion-square. His house, however, was soon beset by multitudes, who testified their joy by loud acclamations. The following ballad is heard sung through the streets of Dublin at all hours. And this circumstance is worth noticing, as it displays the temper of the people on the occasion : THE CATHOLIC RENT. Arrah! boys, is it true, that the Lodges look blue, That taught him to know his Lord God from Tom Bell. Kept shooting, and Papists were always the mark; And he'll soon bring their honours to open the door. SOUTH AMERICA. MEXICAN CONSTITUTION. rican Union as its general model. The Mexican Government is federal, The Republic of Mexico has adopted the constitution of the North Ameand the Republic is entitled the United Mexican States. Like the North general executive, and a general judicial power, together with a legislative, American Union, the United Mexican States possess a general legislative, a executive, and judicial power for each State. The General or Federal Legislature consists of a House of Deputies and a Senate. The election of the former, as in North America, takes place every two years. The basis of the nomination of Deputies is the extent of population. A Deputy is to be elected for every eighty thousand souls, or for any fraction of that number which shall exceed forty thousand. For proportioning the number of Deputies over the Union, a census of the population is to be made every ten years. The Senate is to be composed of two Senators for every State, chosen by the separate State Legislatures. The meeting of the two bodies of Deputies and Senators is called the General Congress. The Deputies and Senators are to be paid for their attendance. The ordinary Session of Congress is every year to begin on the 1st of January, and to end on the 15th of April. The Executive Power is to reside in a single person, called the President of the United Mexican States. This supreme magistrate is to be elected by the separate State Legislatures, each of which is to nominate two candidates for the Presidency-one of whom, at least, shall not belong to the State which makes the return.The names of these candidates are to be transmitted to the General Congress, which shall declare as President the candidate who unites in his person the greatest number of votes. The duration of the President's functions is limited to four years. A Vice President is likewise elected in the same manner, and for the same term, to supply the President's place, if by physical inability, or any other cause, he should be prevented from discharging the duties of his office. The powers of the President are similar to those of the same Magistrate in the North American Union. He appoints or removes the Secretaries of State; he appoints to posts in the army and navy; he disposes of the armed force by sea and land, in peace or war, by the advice of the Congress; he convokes the Legislative Bodies to an extraordinary Session; he provides that justice be duly administered; he promulgates the acts of Congress, and does other acts of supreme power. During the recess of Congress, the supreme Magistrate is provided with a council, consisting of half the members of the Senate, or of a Councillor for every state of the Union. The judicial Power of the Federation is to reside in a supreme tribunal of justice, into three halls or chambers. The members of this supreme tribunal are and in circuit courts. The first is to consist of 11 members, distributed to be elected, like the President, by a majority of votes of the different State Legislatures. The duties of this supreme tribunal are, to take cognizance of the differences which may arise between the separate States of the Federation, or between the authorities of one state and the subjects of another; to settle disputes which may spring up respecting the construction of the acts of the Supreme Government; to decide on the jurisdiction of the separate tribunals of the Union; and judge, without dors, Consuls, or any of the higher officers of the Supreme Government. appeal, in the trial of criminal cases affecting Senators, Deputies, AmbassaGovernments, and to fix the limits of their separate jurisdictions, as they This constitutional act then proceeds to describe the nature of the State refer to the general Union. Each of these State Governments moves uncontrolled within its own sphere, and all partake of the movement and obey the influence of the general federative system of which they form harmonious parts.-The Catholic Religion is the only one tolerated. ABUSE OF AUTHORITY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EXAMINER. "To have a giant's strength; but it is tyrannous TOLERATION-DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES. The "Free-thinking Christians" have published a very able Protest against the scandalous practice of compelling Dissenters to be married according to a religious ceremony which they deem impious and degrading. And the Times has made some remarks upon this protest in the flippant, absurd style it is in the habit of adopting when it seeks to defend some indefensible abuse. It does not deny that the violence done to conscience is a great hardship on the parties, but then it says "If the law of the land, or the ceremonies of the church, were to be altered to please the fantasy of every innovator in politics or sceptic in religion, nothing permanent or comprehensive could be established." Now we should like to be informed by the Times, what body of Dissenters ever required the church ceremony to be altered to suit their particular faith? He assuredly knows, that no such ridiculous request was ever made yet he thinks proper to talk thus idly and impertiBently. What the dissenters complain of is, that there should be any religious formula whatever attached by law to the marriage-contract, which, while it suits one set of religionists, insults and irritates all the rest. The only just and reasonable plan is, that the civil and religious portions of the marriage-ceremony should be separated, in order that the subjects of the kingdom may be married by the same formula as regards the legal engagement, and every man may superadd the religious ceremony which he prefers. If it is good, as is contended, that marriage should receive a religious as well as a legal sanction, it I obvious to common sense, that such sanction can only be given by a ritual in consonance with the faith of the party concerned: to force a man to undergo a ceremony which he holds to be irreligious, is not the way to make a solemn impression on his mind. The Times goes on talk on this subject in a style of flippancy which would provoke one's adignation, if it were not unutterably nonsensical :-"If the Freeanking Christians believe marriage to be only a civil contract, why do they not contract it among themselves by civil forms? Why do ey obtrude their remonstrances on the Church? It may be said, because the children of such marriages would, in the eye of the law, bellegitimate, and incapable of succeeding. And how many entailed tes do all the members of the sect of Freethinking Christians ssess? How much property that they cannot bequeath by will?"that this moral and decorous journal actually recommends a body sectarians to live in a state which public opinion deems profligate indecent, and the law renders dangerous, rather than "obtrude eir remonstrances on the Church!" And it talks as if the non-suc-friendless, can have but few or no advocates among them. asion of the children to entailed estates were the only evil to be aprehended from the parents living in unlawful concubinage! Verily, ntlemen of the "Leading Journal of Europe," you use strange jeguments in support of public morals and decorum. "Drest in a little brief authority, plays such fantastic tricks!" SHAKSPEARE. MR. EDITOR,-As you are sometimes pleased to devote a part of your paper to matters affecting the best interests of society, I shall be obliged by your insertion of the following letter (a circular), which refers to a Resolution or Order in the Paddington Select Vestry, so established by a Local Act the last session of Parliament; and which letter has been sent misfortune, losses, illness, widowhood, &c. have found great difficulty in round to some five-and-twenty inhabitants, who from various causes, paying the assessed taxes; and have therefore been induced in their distress to apply to the said Vestry for a certificate of their inability to discharge the same; which certificate, on being remitted by the Collector or Surveyor to the Commissioners of the King's Taxes, generally produces a remission of them for that year. Now this proceeding, so humane and so kindly contemplated by the Legislature, is however to be defeated and done away with in future by the newly constituted Select Vestry of Paddington, which is supposed to represent and comprise all the worth, wealth, and talents therein. It must be evident from the tenour of such a determination on their part, that the poor, the unfortunate, and the own meaning, and a more brutal decree or the unfeeling stipulation conThe letter in question requires no comment, it sufficiently bespeaks its tained in it, is difficult to conceive. It is clear the parish purse or funds sustain no loss by the grant of such a certificate as the legislature recom● mends and calls for; some cold-blooded pinching Overseer might indeed exclaim, without exciting much observation, "Let Mr. Such-a-one, if he cannot pay the Poors' Rates, quit his house, for the parish cannot afford to lose them." But surely in a case of this nature such a fiat of expulsion from house and home, was not called for by the Vestry here! The act is wanton and cruel, and deserves to be reprobated: if they were not disposed to grant the certificate as a matter either of favour, or policy, or duty, would it not have been enough for them simply to have refused, without adding insult to misfortune, and rankling to wounds still bleeding? Out of many cases, that of two poor widows, who have recently lost their husbands, and are left with young and helpless children, demands particular mention; nay, one of them is actually receiving five shillings a week from the overseer; in her terror and alarm, upon the receipt of this most ungracious letter from the parish lawyer, she hastened to her landlord to tell him that she was ordered to leave her house and shop and business! He being a wiseacre, could not at first comprehend its mean-dling, and high numbers were spun; and what is the result? Why, that ing, and wondered what right the parish had to eject his tenants.-But I fear I have already trespassed too far: I will conclude by hoping, that in the exposure of an abuse, it may be corrected. A CONSTANT READER. "P.S. Can it be credited, that the most strenuous advocate of this harsh proceeding, was the Reverend Chairman ? LETTER. "SIR, I am desired by the Vestry to acquaint you, that the certificate signed in Vestry to the Commissioners of his Majesty's Assessed Taxes in your favour, is signed upon the ground of your quitting your house, or paying the taxes for the same in future.-I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, "RICHARD PITMAN, Vestry Clerk." "Paddington-green, Dec. 29, 1824." ABOMINATIONS OF THE COTTON FACTORIES. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EXAMINER. varied from 77 to 87, averaging nearly half a degree more than 81. On the 27th Now, Sir, with your leave, we will have a few facts as to the effects of this heat. Such people as the Editor of the Stockport Advertiser and your Correspondent, must hope to bully those who read out of their senses, or they would never expect to persuade any one that the heat of a cotton factory, even at their moderated estimate, could be consistent with the health and the prolonged existence of the spinners and their assistants. The exercise of common sense on the subject, would render quotations of facts unneccessary. However, the mass of readers have been so used to hear everlasting braggings about the manufacturing system, that they are willing to listen to any thing, however impudent or absurd, which tends keep them from being put out of conceit with it. SIR,In the Examiner of Dec. 12th, is a letter signed J. T. (pretty evidently of Manchester origin) impugning the statements of Mr, COBBETT, relative to the abominations of the Cotton Factories, and abounding in the grossest abuse of that gentleman for having made those statements. You have never, Sir, during the many years that I have been a reader of your excellent paper, exhibited any marks of brotherhood to the syste-to matic calumniators of Mr. COBBETT, those base and envious creatures whom he once most aptly compared to a certain race of barbarians, who believe that, in destroying their enemy, they possess themselves of the strength or skill that belonged to him. On some occasions, when he has been assailed by nearly all the rest of the press, I have found you willing and anxious to take part with him, and to do him justice; and, accordingly, I was much surprised to find, in your columns, a letter so utterly void of decency as the one to which I have alluded. However, having inserted it, you will not, I think, refuse a place to one in which Mr. COB-specting the effect which working in the factory has on the health of BETT's statements will be supported by facts which even impudence itself hall not dare to question. I begin with the statement relative to the heat of the Cotton Factories. This Mr. COBBETT asserts to be from eighty to eighty-four degrees. In proof of his assertion he has quoted a statement made on the part of the journeymen spinners. I will go to another and a less objectionable ource. In the year 1818-1819, Committees of the House of Lords sat to examine evidence for and against a bill brought into Parliament by Sir ROBERT PEEL, and the object of which was, to limit the hours of labour for children from nine to sixteen years of age, and to prevent the masters from employing any less than nine years old. The evidence was published, and it certainly does display such a picture of misery in the many, and of tyranny on the part of the few, as perhaps nothing but the state of poor Ireland can in any degree parallel. Let us, however, see what it says about THE HEAT. The first witness from whom I shall quote is WILLIAM ROYLE, a spinner in the factory of Mr. THOMAS "What numbers do you spin? Forty-twos. What heat does that require 81 and 83 degrees. Is that the general heat?The works were generally hotter than that: we had been stopped, so that it was not at the regular heat at the time I tried it. Was it as hot as usual, or not?No. Is the heat very overcoming in your factory ?--Yes." (p. 9.) AINSWORTH. Before we go any further, it may be useful to observe, that the greatest heat is required for the high numbers. No. 42 may be reckoned a medium number, or quality. There is, I believe, very little spinning of qualities lower than No. 20, and there is some as high as 250 or 300!-Our next witness shall be GEORGE SWANTON, overlooker in the factory of HENRY BULLOCK, at Wigan. "What numbers do you spin ?—20's and 30's.—What heat was it? SEVENTY-FIVE degrees. What time do you try it? Between four o'clock and mine. Is it so hot as to make them like to be thinly clothed? It is so hot they cannot bear their clothes on them. They have their trowsers and shirts on, the boys; the girls their shifts and coats;" i. e. petticoats. (p. 13.) Our next spinner is a very intelligent fellow; and will, I think, settle the question of degrees. His name is JAMES JOHNSON; that of his employer, M'CONNEL and KENNEDY, in whose factory he states that there are ELEVEN HUNDRED PERSONS employed, " may be ONE HALF or more under the age of Sixteen." He gives into the Committee a list of observations on the heat, of which observations I will, for the sake of brevity, state the averages. At nine different periods on the 10th, 11th, and 12th of September, the average heat was 80 degrees and a fraction. At sixteen different periods on the 24th, 25th, and 26th of November, the heat JOHN FROST (p. 7.) states, that he is " often obliged to stop working on account of the heat; that the general health of the persons employed in factories is very delicate; that the children grow up very unhealthy; that the work-people often fall sick, and have fresh places to seek when they grow better; that, by the time they get to forty years of age, they are obliged to quit the factories, feeling themselves to be worn out, and then go to sweeping the streets, or are sent to their parishes." GEORGE SWANTON (before quoted) says, in answer to a question re children, "I have had healthy children working under me, who have been red-looking, and in a month or six weeks I have seen the colour quite fade, and their eyes sink in their heads." He adds, that "spinners often become knock-kneed by working with their knees against the spindle, and humpbacked by bending their backs so much; that sore eyes are very common; and that the spinners often, "yes, very often, fall into a consumption or wasting." "Did you I am afraid of being tedious; but must call on you to listen to the complaint of ROBERT HYDE, a journeyman spinner. (p. 26.) ever notice the effect working in a factory has upon the health of a child?-Yes, I have; upon my own and others. I have two; one between 9 and 10, the other about 12. I have often lamented the case of other children, because I see it in my own child, and I feel pleasure, as a parent of children, in stating before your Lordships the evils that exist in a cotton-mill. My own children were far stouter and rosier than they are, and now they begin to get delicate, and weakened in their joints; and I begin to perceive that my girl, who was thriving fast, her legs being tender are not able to bear the weight of her body, on which account I spare her as much as possible: I notice frequently that HER JOINTS BEGIN TO THICKEN; and it grieves me many times, to see the children, towards night, about an HOUR OR TWO BEFORE THE NIGHT, LEAN THEMSELVES AGAINST THE WHEEL-SIDE THROUGH WEAKNESS." SAMUEL LEE (p. 49.) is a Gardener in Manchester, and has several children employed in factories. “CATHERINE, 23 years old, is deformed very much; EDWARD, aged 21, is sadly deformed in his knees, and has much pain; JAMES, aged 17, is deformed and suffers much pain both in his ankles and knees." These children, the poor fellow adds, were all wonder at deformed knees and ankles, and hump-backs amongst the healthy and straight when they went into the factories. And who is to inmates of these hells of steam and cotton-fuz, worse, surely, than all other hells, except the hell of fire and brimstone? Why, Sir, the poor creatures, like Milton's devils, know no rest, while the cursed engine is going. They NEVER SIT DOWN, but are pacing to and fro at their wheels, during nearly two thirds of the four and twenty hours. But the whole system, the whole of this envied, and admired, and boasted manufacturing system, is a mystery of iniquities and abominations. The little I have above developed, is a mere peep behind that veil of show and splendour, with which the wealth squeezed out of the poor victims of Mammon has concealed the interior of these his chosen temples. If you have no objection, I will, ere long, raise the veil a little further, and display new and more fearful horrors. with great respect, your obedient Servant. I am, TIMOTHEUS. NOTE-The references above made are not to the pages of the large | Report, but to a book of Extracts, published in 1819, by Mr. Clowes, Northumberland-street, Strand, London, and entitled "Reasons in favour of Sir Robert Peel's Bill." Any man who cares for the condition of the labouring classes would do well to possess himself of a copy, if there be any left. LITERARY NOTICE. The The Spirits of the Age; or Contemporary Portraits. THE peculiar spirit and tact of the Author of these Portraits are now so well understood, it would be a mere waste of paper to dwell upon attributes so universally allowed and firmly established. miserable enmity of mere party, political, literary, or bookselling, may indeed continue more or less to vent its froth, its venom, and its slang, in affected disparagement; but it is evident that the process of biting the file is beginning to effect the usual change of purpose in the viper brood, both in respect to Mr. Hazlitt and other people. Even the John Bull talks of taking to cathartics and "living ceably," Blackwood, in its zeal for diffusion, seems frequently disposed to run a-muck or tread down its own side, like a wounded elephant; and as to the Quarterly, the exposure produced by the Byron ad Medwin controversy, has placed its critical swagger and maligant system of proscription upon so hollow and venal a foundation, that party spirit itself, in the pure form of Admiralty scribes and secrearies, is half ashamed of its medium. That a corps, one of which wrote Wat Tyler, should perform Jack Cade, is by no means wonderful; but "the date of Nock is out," and the Taliacotian consequences are following. Never did we perceive more evident symptoms of a mental surfeit in society than that at present exhibited at the labours of this literary conspiracy, whose claims, in reference to science and scientific principle, are so puny; in learning, if occasionally diffuse, so common placed; in morals, so sophisticated and hypocritical; and lastly, in politics, so cramped, begyved, and befettered, that a tethered ass, with a university log attached to its heels, would furnish no inadequate symbol of the miserable circumscription of their where about. In spite of the disciplined enmity of these literary Dominicans, the general merits of the Author of the spirited book before us are too well known to need formal panegyric or description, in a necessarily brief article of this nature. As his general demerits will take up less room, we will venture to name a few. In the first place, we detect occasional symptoms of his being what Dr. Johnson called a good hater; secondly, we apprehend a somewhat too diffusive undervaluanon of every order of mind which is not imbued with a fine distinctive perception of the felicity of genius, as exhibited in poetry, literature, and the fine arts; and lastly, and in consequence, a somewhat unreasonable disposition to decide the general merits of eminent men by the absence of qualities on which they advance no claims, and form no tensions. A trifle or two more might occur to us; but what are ey all, as opposed to the eloquent and glowing appreciation of the beautiful and felicitous in nature and in art; to the comparative and distinctive in variously-featured mind; to the happy combination of physical accuracy with that refined power of recollective associato, which gives to quotation so much pointedness, brilliancy, and aptitude, and makes a conspicuous beauty of a practice which with eaner skill so frequently forms a defect? The present volume begins with a portrait of Mr. J. Bentham, which, together with a few others in the collection, formerly appeared the New Monthly Magazine. The delineation of this eminent and Weerable man, while it exhibits much of the usual acumen of the Labor, also affords a specimen of the slight mental intolerance, or resiness in the appreciation of qualities not congenial with his own Ps and sympathies, of which we have generally accused him. The ure of Mr. Brougham is possibly to be charged with the same t; not that the mental likenesses are not striking, but in the mate of mental powers, acquirements, and the consequences, porpenter judges too much by himself. This is decidedly the case account of the effect of Mr. Brougham's speeches in the e of Commons, which is certainly more forcible than he imagines, allowing that he deviates too much from the old practice of lar oratory, and labours to convince, instead of to persuade. Se Tooke and Sir James Mackintosh are portraits which come in their composition to the sort of features which Mr. Hazlitt rays with greater gusto. The first is admirably discriminative appy, especially in a display of the ineffective character of the er as a general politician and a practical public man. In the ure of Sir Francis Burdett, the sound and sensible singleness of racter of that genuine English country gentleman of the more pure generous species, is finely and briefly sketched a man who might at honourably distinguished in the early period of the Long dament. In regard to Coleridge, Southey, Wordsworth, Godwin, Campbell, and Crabbe, the subtle and discriminative pencil of Mr. Hazlitt is quite at home, both in regard to literary merits, and those distinguishing moral and political tendencies by which some of them are as much distinguished as for literature. Lord Byron first appeared in this volume; Sir Walter Scott we believe not; but both of these portraits are boldly sketched, although we may be disposed to think that of Byron exhibits too much of shade, as that of Sir Walter too little; but in fact our Author uniformly sides with the excursive, or Shakespearian spirit, against the transcribers, however great in their way, of peculiar and predominant associations; the result of a mind turned incessantly inward. This is well; the former is possibly the first, certainly the, most delightful faculty, but it must not push its fixed and less combinative opposite out of all correspondent fellowship. We should like to be able to form some satisfactory metaphysical theory on the origin of these respective orders of mind--is it an early acquired rapidity and lightsomeness of association in the rarer instance,―a more ineffaceable species of impression in the latter? Tell us, oh ye transcendentalists of Germany, and elsewhere; ye revivers of prototypes and archetypes, now so rapidly making way into Gallic craniums, to the temporary defeat of the sage plans of Chateaubriand to revive the ages of Louis le Grand and King Clovis, and to the probable dispersion of the fribblerie of the present demi-saison of the French literary progress. Alas! you will tell us little on this subject, and unhappily nobody else will tell us more. A pleasant tête-à-tête, as the old Town and Country Magazine used to say, of a brace of loving heads in our sketch, is formed of the lineaments of Lord Eldon and Mr. Wilberforce, the character of whose doubt, and the complexion of whose expediency, is very pleasantly hit off. But dropping all these, commend us to a highly coloured likeness of Mr. Gifford, to whom the painter, in common with almost every one who ventures to express an opinion in print which will not accommodate itself to the sliding-rule of this welltempered Aristarchus, the renowned head of the consistent and independent Mr. Murray's Corps of Critics, is so much indebted. In consequence of this fact, to which the author alludes in the close of the portrait, he partly acknowledges, that while preserving the likeness, he had determined to render the forbidding and ridiculous features most prominent; this he has accomplished, and George Cruikshanks is outdone. The following is a passage: "Mr. Gifford, in short, is possessed of that sort of learning which is likely to result from an over-anxious desire to supply the want of the first rudiments of education; that sort of wit, which is the offspring of ill-humour or bodily pain; that sort of sense, which arises from a spirit of contradiction and a disposition to cavil at and dispute the opinions of others; and that sort of reputation, which is the consequence of bowing to established authority and ministerial infiuence. He dedicates to some great man, and receives his compliments in return. He appeals to some great name, and the under-graduates of the two Universities look up to him as an oracle of wisdom. He throws the weight of his verbal criticism and puny discoveries in black-letter reading into the gap that is supposed to be making in the Constitution by Whigs and Radicals, whom he qualifies without mercy as dunces and miscreants, and so entitles himself to the protection of Church and State. The character of his mind is an utter want of independence and magnanimity in all that he attempts. He cannot go alone, he must have crutches, a go-cart and trammels, or he is timid, fretful, and helpless as a child. He cannot conceive of anything different from what he finds it, and hates those himself. He inclines, by a natural and deliberate bias, to the traditional who pretend to a greater reach of intellect or boldness of spirit than in laws and government; to the orthodox in religion; to the safe in opinion; to the trite in imagination; to the technical in style; to whatever implies a surrender of individual judgment into the hands of authority, and a subjection of individual feeling to mechanic rules. If he finds any one flying in the face of these, or straggling from the beaten path, he thinks he has them at a notable disadvantage, and falls foul of them without loss of time, partly to soothe his own sense of mortified self-consequence, and as an edifying spectacle to his legitimate friends. He takes none but unfair advantages. He twits his adversaries (that is, those who are not in the leading-strings of his school or party) with some personal or accidental defect. If a writer has been punished for a political libel, he is sure to hear of it in a literary criticism. If a lady goes on crutches and is out of favour at court, she is reminded of it in Mr. Gifford's manly satire. He sneers at people of low birth or who have not had a college-education, partly to hide his own want of certain advantages, partly as well-timed flattery to those who possess them. He st has a right to laugh at poor, unfriended, untitled genius, from wearing the livery of rank and letters, as footmen behind a coronet-coach laugh at the rabble. He keeps good company, and forgets himself. He stands at the door of Mr. Murray's shop, and will not let anybody pass but the well-dressed mob, or some followers of the court. To edge into the Quarterly Temple of Fame, the candidate must have a diploma from the Universities, a passport from the Treasury. Otherwise, it is a breach of etiquette to let him pass, an insult to the better sort who aspire to the love of letters-and may chance to drop into the Feast of the Poets. Or, if he cannot manage it thus, or get rid of the claim on the bare ground of poverty or want of school-learning, he trumps up an excuse for the occasion, such as that "a man was confined in Newgate a short time before"—it is not a lie on the part of the critic, it is only an amiable subserviency to the will of his betters, like that of a menial who is ordered to deny his master, a sense of propriety, a knowledge of the world, a poetical and moral license." The following sketch of the Quarterly Review is also racy-somewhat high-coloured possibly, but the pencil firm and the hand free, and it contains a collection of features which all the world is beginning to acknowledge:— generalised out of all distinctiveness and individualization. Thus has Rowe acted with The Fatal Dowry, which he has improved in the cold quality of order and formal regularity, to the extinction of most of the vivid circumstances by which the dramatists of the old English school made their characters absolute things of flesh and blood, and Fatal Dowry, Charolois, a noble youth (the Altamont of Rowe) gives not the mere verbal representatives of a tribe. For example: in The himself up to captivity to ransom the body of his dead father, an illustrious warrior whom his country has allowed to die in captivity for debt. out of the prison gates on a bier, and a beautiful scene of affecting sorNever fearful of direct appeal, the body of the aged leader is brought row and nobleness of soul makes out the claim of a virtuous son to the support of an aged, rich, and upright Senator, and leads to an adoption, which produces the fatal union. In The Fair Penitent, Altamont is only known as a well-disposed dependant youth of noble lineage, and the difference of interest is proportionate. Horatio in the copy makes a better figure than Altamont ; but how far short in spirit and nature of the generous friend and soldier, Romont, in the original! The Calista and Lothario of Rowe have higher claims than the corlittle more than a light coquette, and the latter a positive coxcomb. In respect however to the last, what the more modern play gives in spirit to Lothario, it detracts from Altamont, and lessens the opportunities of Horatio, although it possibly may afford some little redemption for the fall of Calista. MASSINGER, on the contrary, seems to have cared nothing about the opinion formed of the taste of his heroine, whose preference of a contemptible fop is even made a luxuriant theme for the sarcastic commentary of the admirably drawn Romont on the taste of women. Thus, while the situation and time of action are much the same, the contrast in character and attendant circumstances exceedingly varies. In MASSINGER, the seduction happens after marriage, and the noble but unrelenting husband not only slays the seducer, but his wife also, after a strongly conceived expostulation: (only related in the revival). The catastrophe of the tragedy, indeed, is produced by his claiming acquittal from the rigid justice of his father-in-law, and escaping public justice only by the employment of his own sword. "The Quarterly Review, besides the political tirades and denunciations of suspected writers, intended for the guidance of the heads of families, is filled up with accounts of books of Voyages and Travels for the amusement of the younger branches. The poetical department is almost a sinecure, consisting of mere summary decisions and a list of quotations. Mr. Croker is understood to contribute the St. Helena articles and the liberality, Mr. Canning the practical good sense, Mr. D'Israeli the goodnature, Mr. Jacob the modesty, Mr. Southey the consistency, and the Editor himself the chivalrous spirit and the attacks on Lady Morgan. It is a double crime, and excites a double portion of spleen in the Editor, when female writers are not advocates of passive obedience and non-respondent character of La Beaumelle and Novall, the first of whom is resistance. This Journal, then, is a depository for every species of political sophistry and personal calumny. There is no abuse or corruption that does not there find a jesuitical palliation or a bare-faced vindication There we meet the slime of hypocrisy, the varnish of courts, the cant of pedantry, the cobwebs of the law, the iron hand of power. Its object is as mischievous as the means by which it is pursued are odious. The intention is to poison the sources of public opinion and of individual fame-to pervert literature, from being the natural ally of freedom and humanity, into an engine of priestcraft and despotism, and to undermine the spirit of the English Constitution and the independence of the English character. The Editor and his friends systematically explode every principle of liberty, laugh patriotism and public spirit to scorn, resent every pretence to integrity as a piece of singularity or insolence, and strike at the root of all free inquiry or discussion, by run ning down every writer as a vile scribbler and a bad member of society, who is not a bireling and a slave. No means are stuck at in accomplish ing this laudable end. Strong in patronage, they trample on truth, justice, and decency. They claim the privilege of court-favourites. They keep as little faith with the public, as with their opponents. No statement in the Quarterly Review is to be trusted: there is no fact that is not misrepresented in it, no quotation that is not garbled, no character that is not slandered, if it can answer the purposes of a party to do so." This is no child's play; but allowing for a little internal indignation, is it not essentially correct? It is not, however, as a mere party vehicle, that this warmth against it is demanded, nor even for its discountenance of authors opposed to its patrons and conductors in opinion and principle; all this may be fair war; but what can be said for tainted arrows, envenomed lances, and poisoned waters, in the form of false insinuation, insidious slander, studied misrepresentation, and garbled quotation? For this, and much more of kindred wretchedness, is the castigation merited, and the increasing disesteem of the public supereminently warranted. In a word, there is rancour, venality, servility, and bad faith, throughout the entire concoction. Hence our author, and hence also the foregoing extracts. We have omitted advertence to a few names, including those of Mr. T. Moore and Mr. Leigh Hunt, whom Medwin's Conversations having recently associated in the way of mention, and which are treated of in some allusion to that mention. A newspaper flight in the way of criticism is necessarily a barn-door one, implying a circumscribed area and clipped wings; and such being the case, we feel it necessary to alight forthwith. Q. THEATRICAL EXAMINER. DRURY-LANE. the adapter. The three first acts pass off admirably with the aid of This revival upon the whole is creditable to the stage knowledge of and the nervous and eloquent diction of MASSINGER has much of its ellision merely, or simply of the connective matter it renders necessary, fair effect. The fourth and fifth have been considerably modified, to the omission of a portion of that sanguinary exhibition for which the old French critics have termed us barbarous, and at the same time to the production of a more picturesque and concentrated conclusion. In one or two particulars we think some amendment possible: for example, the dying lamentation of Rochfort (the Sciolto of RowE) is too lengthy; and indeed the catastrophe scene altogether. Upon the whole, however, great knowledge of stage effect has been shown in this revival, and the extraordinary attention of the audience proved its hold upon their sympathies. the subject of his wife very excellently, aided as he was by the more The part of Charolois was performed with considerable feeling and energy by WALLACK, who resented the information of his friend on manly nature of the confidence in his lady's virtue, and distrust of the hardy soldier's discernment in respect to the gallant courtesies of than in the whining Altamont of RowE. As in the Fair Penitent, modish life, put into the mouth of the spirited Charolis of MASSINGER, however, the great scope for strong marking and energy is given to the veteran soldier and observant friend (Romont), which character fell to the lot of Mr. MACREADY. He did it justice, especially in the quarrel with Charolois and expostulation with young Novall, in which, sarcastically exposes the coxcomb. The very peculiarities, not always in stating his claims to interference, he first describes himself, and then palatable, of Mr. MACREADY, told in favour of this scene, which in freshness and nature so entirely exceeds its counterpart by RowE.Speaking of the performance as a whole, we think that a few rapibut that taken altogether, Mr. MACREADY has entered with adequate dities of utterance were supernumerary and smacked of mannerism, spirit into his very spirited part. The aged father of TERRY was good, but somewhat too infirm; as we cannot think that absolute superannuation was intended. The dying of grief was somewhat too lengthy, but that was not the actor's fault, who will be relieved by a little curtailment in the display of some very respectable pathos. The females in this revival, heroine included, have so little to do, it is unnecessary to * A respectable Contemporary ridicules the nature attributed to Mas- melle very well. PENLEY, as Novall, set off the satire on coxcombry say more than that Mrs. WEST looked the frail and beautiful La Beausinger and the older dramatists; and as to plot and dramatic construction, he may be right: the nature duly attributed to these writers is the very adequately; and a Mr. THOMSON performed the old brutal overcomparative freshness and felicity in the conveyance of the passion, sen-bearing Judge Novall the best in the world-a perfect Judge Jefferies. timent, or humour, intended to be conveyed, taking the situation for The applause was decided, and the announced repetition loudly and granted, unanimously applauded. Q. On Wednesday evening, The Fatal Dowry of MASSINGER was revived at this theatre with considerable effect. To those acquainted with the original, it is unnecessary to observe that this forcible production of the old Dramatist supplied RowE with the story and characters of The Fair Penitent. For the dramatic taste of his own day, which in regard to tragedy was rather French than English, the latter made a tolerable use of his materials; but now that a more genuine feeling of nature has revived a due appreciation of the racy fruitfulness of the native stock, we may be allowed to wonder that he made no more of them.* In fact, English tragedy, from ADDISON's Cato downwards, was, as to human nature, a mere tissue of versified abstractions, in which the language of sentiment and passion was FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. UNITED STATES. MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT TO CONGRESS. The Message was transmitted to both Houses at Washington on the 7th of December. It is rather longer than usual, but contains little politically important to other nations. The President commences with the following summary sketch of the affairs of the Republic: equal in value to that sum. The President calculates, considering that many existing items of expenditure (the erection of arsenals and fortifica tions, &c.) will gradually cease, either wholly or in great part, that the Debt may be entirely liquidated in ten years. The President speaks of the naval and military services as being in the most satisfactory condition. He alludes to the great advantages which have been derived from the employment of the engineer corps in surveys and plans throughout the Union, with a view to national undertakings or local improvements; and he recommends the augmentation of this corps in order to extend these advantages. "Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, "The view which I have now to present to you of our affairs foreign The relations with the Indian tribes have not materially changed duri and domestic, realizes the most sanguine anticipations which have been ing the year. Several parties of citizens have been plundered and murentertained of the public prosperity. If we look to the whole, our dered by those of the Upper Mississippi. Measures have however been, growth, as a nation, continues to be rapid beyond example: if to the taken to bring about a general peace among the tribes; and the President States which compose it, the same gratifying spectacle is exhibited. suggests a plan for the congregation of all the Indian nations in the large Our expansion over the vast territory within our limits, has been great, unappropriated district between the United States, the Rocky Mountain, without indicating any decline in those sections from which the emigra- and Mexico. "It is thought, if that territory should be divided into tion has been most conspicuous. We have daily gained strength, by a districts, by previous agreement of the tribes now residing there, and native population, in every quarter: a population devoted to our happy Civil Governments be established in each, with schools for every branch system of government, and cherishing the bond of union with fraternal of instruction in literature and the arts of civilized life, that all the tribes affection. Experience has already shown, that the difference of climate, now within our limits might gradually be drawn thither." The Presi and of industry proceeding from that cause, inseparable from such vast dent speaks with pleasure of the steady advances now making by the domains, and which, under other systems, might have a repulsive ten-tribes in civilization, with the aid of the funds granted by Congress for dency, cannot fail to produce with us, under wise regulations, the oppo- the purpose. Under the provisions of the law, there have been estasite effect. What one portion wants the other may supply, and this will blished thirty-two schools, containing 916 scholars, who are well inbe most sensibly felt by the parts most distant from each other, forming structed in several branches of literature, and likewise in agriculture, thereby a domestic market, and an active intercourse between the ex- and the ordinary arts of life. tremes, and throughout every part of our Union. Thus, by a happy distribution of power between the National and State Governments, Governments which rest exclusively on the sovereignty of the people, aud are fully adequate to the great purposes for which they were respectively instituted, causes which might otherwise lead to dismemberment, operate powerfully to draw us closer together. In every other circumstance, a eorrect view of the actual state of our Union must be equally gratifying to our constituents. Our relations with Foreign Powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled with some. Our revenue, under the mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to all the purposes of the Government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish. Our fortifications are advancing in the degrees authorised by existing appropriations to maturity; and due progress is made in the augmentation of the navy, to the limit prescribed for it by law. For these blessings we owe to Almighty God, from whom we derive them, and with profound reverence, our most grateful and unceasing acknowledgments." The message then enters upon a detailed account of the existing relations with Foreign Powers, but describes no alteration in them of the slightest importance since the last Session of Congress. Regret is expressed, that no arrangement is yet completed with the British Government for the co-operation in the suppression of the slave-trade. Great Britain wished a plan adopted which should include the mutual right of search; but this was objected to on the principle, that as the right of search was a right of war, of a belligerent towards a neutral power, it might have an ill effect to extend it by treaty to a time of peace. An expedient was, however, proposed to the British Government, as free from this objection and more effectual,-namely, to declare the trade piratical, and by so doing, to place the offenders out of the protection of their Governments, without involving national questions of right. A Convention to this effect was signed in London, on the 13th of March 1824; but some obstacles to its ratification had arisen, which were not yet entirely removed, though it was hoped they were too unimportant to be allowed to defeat an object so near to the heart of both nations.-In pursuance of the plan of fixing their commerce with all nations on the basis of free and equal reciprocity, commercial treaties on that principle have been concluded with Russia, Sweden, Prussia, and other States in the North of Europe. A convention has been made with the Emperor of Russia for the settlement of the questions relative to the North-west Coast of America. A Charge d'Affairs has been received from the independent Government of Brazil; and the President states that "there is reason to expect, that by amicable negotiation the independence of Brazil will ere long be recognized by Portugal herself." Relations of the most friendly, and in regard to commerce of the most beneficial, character, have been established with all the new South American States. A Treaty of Commerce has been signed with Colombia. Ministers Plenipotentiary of the U. S. are resident with Colombia and Chili, and Ministers of the like rank have been received at Washington from Colombia, Guatimala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Propositions for a general and final adjustment of maritime rights have been made to Great Britain, France, Russia, and other powers; and they have been received in a friendly manner, although no treaty has yet resulted from them. The Treasury receipts for the current year are estimated at upwards of 18,500,000 dollars; which, with the Treasury balance of nearly 63 milbons from last year, would, after discharging the year's expenditure and interest of the debt, and paying off nearly 113 millions of the principal, leave a balance of more than three millions in the Treasury on the 1st of January, 1825. A loan of 5,000,000 dollars at 4 per cent. has been negociated with the U. S. Bank, for the purpose of paying off that amount at 6 per cent. stock, by which the Republic saves annually 75,000 dollars of interest.-The whole amount of public Debt is estimated at 85,000,000 dollars; but against that should be set off stock in the United Ships of war have cruized on the African coast, but have discovered no American vessels engaged in the slave trade; and it is believed no vessels are so engaged. The Commerce of the United States has much increased on the Pacific. The post-office revenue has greatly increased, and will more than cover the expenditure. The President alludes to the visit of General Lafayette, and expatiates on the enthusiasm of his reception by all classes, and the pure, patriotic, and delightful reflections which his presence calls forth. Mr. Monroe continues" The meeting with one who had borne so distinguished a part in our great struggle, and from such lofty and disinterested motives, could not fail to affect profoundly every individual, and of every age. It was natural that we should all take a deep interest in his future welfare, as we do. His high claims on our Union are felt, and the sentiment universal that they should be met in a generous spirit. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the subject, with a view, that regarding his very important services, losses, and sacrifices, a provision may be made and tendered to him, which shall correspond with the sentiments, and be worthy of the character of the American people." In allusion to foreign politics, the President observes, that in the only. wars now carried on-those in Greece aud South America-" the cause of Independence, of Liberty, and Humanity, continues to prevail." Greece commands the admiration and applause of the United States. The new States of South America had achieved their independence before the United States acknowledged it; and the present disturbances in some of them are attributable to internal causes, originating in the old Governments. The United States are deeply interested in their independence, and would inevitably be implicated in any attempted interference with it from Europe. The augmentation of people, and the increase of the number of states (eleven having been added to the original thirteen) demand some alte rations in certain general branches of public service, particularly in the judiciary establishment. mouth of Columbia river, and also several improvements in the city of The President recommends a military post to be established at the Washington. view above presented, it is manifest that the situation of the United States He alludes with exultation to the general aspect of affairs. "From the is in the highest degree prosperous and happy. There is no object which, as a people, we can desire, which we do not possess, or which is not world ever knew, with no distinct orders in society, or divided interests within our reach. Blessed with Governments, the happiest which the in any portion of the vast territory over which their dominion extends, we have every motive to cling together which can animate a virtuous and enlightened people." Against foreign danger, the policy of the United States is settled. "The events of the late war admonish us to make our maritime frontier impregnable, by a well-digested chain of fortifications, and to give efficient protection to our commerce by augmenting our navy.”. The Message concludes as follows: "I cannot conclude this communication, the last of the kind which I shall have to make, without recollecting with great sensibility and heartfelt gratitude, the many instances of the public confidence, and the generous support, which I have received from my fellow-citizens, in the various trusts with which I have been honoured. Having commenced my service in early youth, and continued it since, with few and short intervals, I have witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been exposed, and admired the wisdom and courage with which they were surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state, I derive a gratification which I cannot express.-That these blessings may be pre-, served and perpetuated, will be the object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of verse. "JAMES MONROE." |