As the Greek press sought to incriminate Albania in the murder of Tellini, the Albanian Government ordered the publication of a Red Book containing two documents which proved that the assassination had been organised and perpetrated by the Greeks themselves. The Albanian Press Bureau attached to this book a letter which the Hellenic Government considered offensive, and against which it protested to the Albanian Government. The latter thereupon disavowed the letter, and so prevented a rupture between the two countries. But they soon came very near quarrelling again over another question, namely, the right claimed by Greece to expel Albanians from its territory on the ground that they were Turks. Albania appealed to the League of Nations, citing previous undertakings given by Greece in this matter. The Council of the League of Nations, meeting at Paris, recognised the justice of Albania's plea (December), and the Mixed Commission for the exchange of Turco-Greek populations was charged to watch over the execution by Greece of her agreements and to ensure the protection of the Albanians.

The Ministry of Ahmed Zogu, which had been formed on December 3, 1922, was three times partially reconstituted. In April Seifi Vlamasi took the portfolio of Public Works; in May Milto Tutulani took that of Justice; and at the end of September Mustafa Araniti became Minister of War.

In September the legislative session came to an end, and in December new elections took place for a Constituent Assembly, amid considerable excitement.

In April a delegation from the Orthodox Albanian Church went to Constantinople to procure the ratification by the Patriarch Meletios of the separation of the Albanian Church, but the Patriarchate was unable to come to a decision. The Albanian Church, however, remains none the less autocephalous.

For the greater part of the year the Turks at Constantinople persisted in refusing to recognise the Albanian consul, in consequence of which no Albanian could land in Turkey. In November an Albanian delegation went to Angora, and concluded a pact of friendship with Turkey, providing for mutual consular representation, and regulating the question of the right of Albanians to stay in Turkey and their allegiance when there.

In December the Finance Minister, Kol Thasi, went to Rome for the purpose of concluding a commercial agreement with Italy.

BULGARIA.

The year 1923 opened with grave disappointments for the Government and the country. Great as were the difficulties abroad, they were even greater at home. Stamboliiski and his friends considered themselves as eminently suitable politicians for the "new time" after the great war. They introduced extremist legislation, some of which came perilously near Bolshevism. The policy of the Agrarians provoked strong dis

satisfaction in Bulgaria and abroad. But Stamboliiski would not heed the warnings of the men and the Parties of the Old Order, and the Agrarian Cabinet continued their reckless policy for which in the end Bulgaria had to pay heavily.

In order to consolidate his position in Parliament, Stamboliiski decided to make a new appeal to the country in April. His success was great. As a result, it is said, of influencing the electors, he brought into the Sobranie 212 Agrarian deputies against 30 for the Opposition. It seemed as though the Agrarians were firmly established in power for at least four years, though Stamboliiski himself used to say that he or his party would govern the country for at least twenty years. But the vanity of political prophecy was never better demonstrated.

On June 9 a group of civilians and officers of the active army and of the reserve, supported by the bulk of the army, brought about the fall of the Stamboliiski Cabinet. This coup took everybody by surprise, the Ministers and their friends most of all. The members of the Cabinet were arrested at 3 o'clock in the morning without the slightest resistance, and the change of régime took place in Sofia without bloodshed. Here and there in the Provinces the Agrarians attempted resistance, but the troops quickly dispersed them. Stamboliiski, who on the night of the revolution was absent from Sofia in his native village Slavovitza, succeeded with his partisans from the surrounding villages in putting up a certain amount of resistance, but the numerical superiority of the troops sent against him, to say nothing of the artillery, obliged him finally to abandon his followers. He wandered about in the neighbouring villages for six days, and then gave himself up only to meet his death.

After the arrest of the Agrarian Ministers a new Cabinet was formed under the presidency of Professor Tzankoff. The first step of the new Administration was to bring order into the confusion bequeathed by their predecessors. But before any action could be taken in the Legislative Assembly it was necessary that the "vital forces" of the country should constitute themselves a strong political group capable of supporting the Government against the Agrarians and the Communists. In August the formation of such a political group was announced. After long and difficult discussions, the political organisation "Sgovor" and the Democratic, National-progressist, and Radical Parties, all of which are represented in the Cabinet Tzankoff, fused into one bloc called "Democratitcheski Sgovor" or Democratic Entente. The new political formation and the Social Democrats form the Government Coalition.

Shortly after this political combination had been achieved, there broke out unexpectedly, in the month of September, the Communists' revolutionary movement, in which also the Agrarians joined, and it took nearly two weeks to suppress the revolt.

The events of June and September brought about the

complete disorganisation of the Agrarian and Communist Parties. Their leading men were either arrested or had escaped abroad, and their ranks were divided by internal discord.

With the Opposition reduced to impotence, the Government appealed to the country. The elections were held in November and resulted in a compact majority for the Coalition-202 seats against 45 for the National-liberal, Agrarian, and Communist Parties. The Sobranie was opened by the King on December 9.

During the year Bulgaria not only passed through severe internal crises but also had many a difficult moment in her relations with her neighbours, and principally with Yugoslavia. The diplomatic intercourse between Sofia and Belgrade became embittered at times, and the tone of the Serb Press was often distinctly hostile towards Bulgaria. A rupture between the two countries threatened more than once. But confidence was re-established by the visit of Stamboliiski to Belgrade to give his personal assurances to the Yugoslav authorities of the loyal execution of the treaty obligations by Bulgaria, and of her peaceful intentions; by the conclusion of the arrangement of Nish, according to which the Government engaged itself to take strong measures to stop the crossing of the frontier by the Macedonian "comitadjis; and by the meeting in Sofia, in November, of a mixed Yugoslav-Bulgarian Committee for the settlement of the question of the payment of the requisitions made on Serbian territories during the war, fixed at 300,000,000 leva.

Bulgaria is also negotiating with Rumania for the settlement of the question of the abolition, against payment by Bulgaria of a round sum, of the sequestration of properties belonging to Bulgarian subjects. It is expected that these negotiations will soon terminate in an agreement which will contribute much to establish friendly relations with the neighbour on the left bank of the Danube. With Greece Bulgaria is on good terms. In September Ministers were appointed both at Sofia and at Athens.

Bulgaria is meeting her obligations under the Treaty of Neuilly. Early in October the Treasury made the first reparations payment of 2,500,000 gold francs, or 65,000,000 leva. There remains to be settled the question, now under negotiation, of the expenses to be paid by Bulgaria for the allied troops of occupation after the armistice concluded at Salonica in 1918 with General Franchey d'Esperey.

In the sphere of economics and finance the year was by no means satisfactory. In the first six months there was a steady downward movement in trade, the prices of commodities rose sensibly, and the index figure for the cost of living was higher than during the previous year, a result which to a certain extent must be attributed to the policy of Stamboliiski's Cabinet, which was largely one of very doubtful experiments. After the fall of Stamboliiski, a slight improvement set in. But un

fortunately it did not continue until the end of the year, notwithstanding the attempts of the Cabinet of Tzankoff to restore the economic situation of the country by introducing economies in Government expenditure, regulating the dealing in foreign exchanges, and prohibiting the import of articles of luxury. Trade and industry were throughout the year under the influence of the continual fluctuations in the rate of the leva (in January, 1923, the l. was worth 700 leva, in June it came down to 360 leva, and at the end of the year it rose to 600 leva). These unstable rates had an adverse effect on exports, and large stocks of tobacco and cereals remained unsold. Imports therefore exceeded exports, and the Budget will close with a deficit.

CHAPTER VI.

LESSER STATES OF WESTERN AND NORTHERN EUROPE: BELGIUM – NETHERLANDS-SWITZERLAND - SPAIN-PORTUGAL - DEN

MARK-SWEDEN-NORWAY.

BELGIUM.

EARLY in 1923 the Senate rejected the proposal for the flamandisation of the University of Ghent which the Chamber had passed by a small majority towards the end of the previous year. This question continued to agitate public opinion throughout the year. Feeling ran so high on the subject that a civil war seemed at one time to be brewing, and to avert this danger the Chamber charged the Minister of Science and Art, Dr. Nolf, to draw up a clear and comprehensive plan by which it could stand or fall. He accordingly proposed that two-thirds of the courses should be flamandised and all their faculties doubled; further, that no student should leave the University without having passed an examination in Flemish, but that on the other hand none should be admitted nor allowed to take a course without a thorough knowledge of French, since the third year's course was still to be given in that language. This plan was a reversion to the old mistake of bilinguism, and it satisfied nobody. It did not make the University Flemish enough for the Flemings and did not keep it French enough for the Walloons. After heated discussions during several months, the Government failed to get the measure passed, and so resigned (June). The situation which followed was not without an element of comedy. The King tried in vain to find a Ministry which should have the support of the Chamber, and the parties tried in vain to find a formula of agreement, so that in the end, after a fortnight of fruitless negotiations, the former Cabinet had to be resuscitated. M. Theunis resumed office after inducing the heads of parties to accept a new linguistic programme very similar to that which the Chamber had rejected a short time previously. This proposal was passed both by the Chamber

and the Senate. Accordingly in October the University of Ghent opened its doors with its first year courses in every faculty divided and flamandised according to the terms of the law. But meanwhile the word of command had gone round the Flemish youth to boycott the misshapen and inadequate University which the Minister Nolf had granted them. The result is that while the Flemish legislators are obliged to defend the University for which they have voted, the Flemish youth despise, oppose, and desert it. And the problem remains before the public as acute as ever: should or should not the Flemish students be accorded the opportunity to prosecute their studies throughout in their mother tongue?

M. Theunis purchased support for his University proposals by making concessions on the very militarist law elaborated by the Minister Devèze for the reorganisation of the Army. Many of its provisions were opposed not only by the Socialists but also by important sections of the Catholic Party; in particular the proposed regulations for military training and for the duration of service. M. Theunis consented to drastic amendments on the question of training, to a service period of ten months, and to an alleviation of the obligations laid on the young people of the middle classes for providing officers of reserve. This step entailed the resignation of M. Devèze, who elected to stand or fall by his proposals, and he was succeeded (August 5) by M. Forthomme, a gentleman whose name had already been mentioned more than once in connexion with Ministerial vacancies.

In

In the spring a strike of railway and postal employés took place which caused great dislocation in the life of the country. The tactics employed by the strikers were rather novel. În order to avoid a general cessation of work which would have caused a loss of millions a day to its members, the Union simply ordered out certain grades, such as the signal and cabin men, whose absence from their duties was sufficient to paralyse traffic. The other workmen and employés continued to turn up at their posts and receive payment, and were thus able to support their comrades on strike. The struggle lasted several days; the strikers finally submitted and resumed work in return for certain promises and minor concessions.

In July the Government received an unexpected check. After the railway strike it had imprisoned, on a double charge of plotting against the safety of the State and treason, all the leaders of the Belgian Communist Party. It reproached them above all with their fanatical opposition to the occupation of the Ruhr, and hoped in this way to rouse public opinion against them. But the effect was the opposite to what they anticipated. All those who detested the servility of the Nationalists towards the policy of France-Socialists, Flemings, and Democrats-united in protest against the arrest of the Communists, though they were their political opponents. The