of 40. Immediately on this, the ministry waited on the king, and proposed to him the alternative of either creating a sufficient number of peers to give them a majority in the House of Lords, or of accepting their resignation of office. His Majesty took the latter part of the alternative; giving them at the same time the fullest expression of his approbation of their services, during the period that they had been in his Councils. Thus the whole ministry, under whose auspices the Reform Bill had been got up, and carried forward till this eventful period, were displaced at once. The occurrence appears to have been unexpected, both by the ministry and the country at large; and the king, from having been the idol of the populace, received, shortly afterward, every expression of their disapprobation and indignation, short of absolute violence to his person. On coming from Windsor to London in a carriage with the queen, their Majesties were saluted with groans and hisses, and their carriage was pelted with pieces of mud. Rumour said that the queen was the instigator of the refusal to create new peers, and she, from being a great_popular_favourite, became odious in the extreme. The news of the rejection of the Reform Bill by the Lords, flew like lightning in all directions. The Reform Journals were filled with the most inflammatory articles, calling on the people to rouse themselves for the crisis, and to demand "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," and if the demand should not be complied with, to coerce the Lords and the new government into the measure. The Reform Societies met in every place to which the news extended, and passed resolutions of portentous import. A publick meeting, it is said, of 200,000 persons, was held at Birming ham, at which it was resolved to refuse the payment of taxes, till the Reform Bill should be passed, and printed placards announcing this resolution, were placed in the windows. In Liverpool, placards were posted around the streets, with the heading "DOWN WITH THE HOUSE OF LORDS." Petitions were pouring in upon the House of Commons, praying that body to refuse supplies to the government, till the Reform Bill should have passed into a law. Nor were the Commons themselves idle specta tors of the passing events. Lord Ebrington moved in the House of Commons, "that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, humbly to represent to his Majesty the deep regret felt by the House, at the change which has been announced in his Majesty's Councils, by the retirement of those ministers in whom this House continues to repose unabated confidence." We cannot give the whole address, but it concludes with "imploring his Majesty to call to his Councils, such persons only as will carry into effect, unimpaired in its essential provisions, that Bill for the Reform of the repre sentation of the people, which has recently passed this House." This address, after being strenuously opposed by Sir Robert Peel and others, was carried by a majority of 80. During the debate, Mr. Hume proposed the stoppage of "the supplies till means were taken to secure the people in the enjoyment of their rights" But it does not appear that this proposal was adopted. Subsequently, however, a petition of the same purport as the motion of Mr. Hume, was brought into the House of Commons from Manchester, signed by upwards of 55,000 persons in the course of three hours, and brought to London in seventeen hours, by a deputation. Mr. O'Connell stated he should support the petition from Manchester, and declared that he had received a similar petition from Birmingham, signed by upwards of 100,000 persons, which he should present shortly. The latest accounts, however, represent the excitement both in the country at large, and in the House of Commons, as considerably abated. There had been through the whole no riots. The best and most influential friends to Reform in the Commons, earnestly urged the importance of avoiding all popular tumult, and all violation of law, as the sure course to success in the end. Lord Althorpe said, "the people are now standing upon a proud height of moral and physical power, from which nothing can cast them down, but a senseless departure from the policy of peace and firmness, by which their friends in every quarter are advising them to stand fast." Stocks had fluctuated but little, and at the last accounts were rising rather than falling. A dissolution of Parliament had been talked of, but at the latest dates it was not expected. The Duke of Wellington, who had been appointed Premier, had not a single associate that was known. Public rumour had formed for him no less than eight dif ferent administrations, but they had existed only in rumour. Sir Robert Peel, it was understood, had refused to act under the Duke; and the tone of the last debate in the Commons, clearly was, that after the Duke's open and decided avowal of his hostility to reform, any attempt of his to conduct it so as to satisfy the people, would be such an open dereliction of all moral principle, as would deprive him of all confidence and support. It was believed that he could not form an efficient administration, and some expectations were entertained and announced, that Earl Grey and his colleagues would soon be recalled to their places.

In the House of Lords, a pretty warm altercation took place between the Earl of Carnarvon and Earl Grey, when the latter announced in that house the alternative which the administration had submitted to the king, of creating new peers, or of dismissing his present advisers from office. The Earl of Carnarvon called this "one of

the most foul, most atrocious acts with which subjects had ever dared to insult the ears of their sovereign." Earl Grey replied in a style of lofty and cool contempt of this speech and its author, vindicated the course taken by himself and his colleagues, and avowed his readiness to meet the responsibility of that course, either in that house or before the country at large. He was seconded and ably supported by the Lord Chancellor-lately Mr. Brougham. The Lords certainly appear to us to stand in an awkward predicament. They must go forward with the Reform Bill, or break up the government. They must take it substantially as it is, or the Commons will not go with them, and will withhold the supplies-and they cannot take the Bill as it is, without retracing their steps, and admitting they have done wrong. What will be the issue, time will disclose.-We have taken some pains to digest and connect the accounts, as they are of considerable present interest, and may be connected with the most important future results.

The cholera had nearly disappeared from London, and was much abated in every part of England. In Ireland it had been very fatal in some places, but even there was rapidly on the decline. In that unhappy kingdom, however, great uneasiness existed, and many disorders prevailed, occasioned principally by the tythe system, which it was hoped and believed would receive, before long, some important modification and mitigation. Since writing the above, an arrival from Britain bringing intelligence one day later than that before received, gives us the information that Earl Grey is actually recalled to office with, as we understand it, the whole of his associates. The Duke of Wellington could not form an administration. Whether new peers will be created, or the old ones yield enough to prevent it, remains to be seen. London was nearly free from the cholera. It was no longer considered as an endemick, and the reports of the Board of Health were discontinued.

FRANCE. The French Chambers are in recess. Their adjournment seems to have been hastened by the appearance and sudden prevalence of the cholera in Paris, where, although, as in other places, its victims were chiefly among the poor and the intemperate, yet it was not confined to them. Several persons of distinction took it and died. Among others, it seized on the prime minister, M. Perier, who, after being brought to the brink of the grave, was relieved from the symptoms most immediately threatening, but fell into a state of insanity, which continued for some time. The last accounts, however, represent him as convalescent, and say that although his recovery will probably be slow, yet there is a prospect that he may again return to health. He has been the life and soul of the existing ministry of Louis Philip; and while his life and intellect were considered as nearly in a hopeless state, the king was in great perplexity, in apprehension of the probable consequences of his death or permanent derangement. The Chambers stand adjourned to the first of August. The adjournment had been "protracted, in the hope that M. Perier might be able to resume his functions at the time of their meeting. It appears that there was a shocking mixture of gloom and levity, melancholy and mirth, when the cholera commenced its ravages in Paris; and that this was succeeded by a state of infatuation as to the cause of the mortality, followed by acts of the most horrible barbarity. An American gives the following account of what he witnessed, to his correspondent in this country:-"I was at Paris the day when the cholera morbus showed itself. What was my astonishment to see grotesque masquerades upon the boulevards, and ridiculous farces in the streets, instead of the thoughtful countenances of men seriously occupied with this new lesson of the Almighty! The cholera has been a subject of mockery! a subject for ballad and songs! What thoughtlessness! what destitution of moral feeling! This disease for several days has made alarming progress, and now another scene, not less afflicting, is exhibiting in the capital. The populace, bewildered, deceived by false suspicions of poisoning, have committed acts of the most atrocious cruelty against the innocent; they have assassinated men who never indulged towards them an unfriendly feeling. Thus after the farce comes blood; after laughter, murder; and within two days a light and scoffing people become ferocious, and throw off the mask of the carnival to take up the knife and the poniard. May God have pity upon France, and deign to lift upon it the light of his gospel! until that happy time, the character and manners of the French people will furnish constant occasion for lamentation." It appears, however, that the cholera has greatly abated in Paris, as well as in other parts of France, although it still exists, and proves fatal in numerous instances.

The Dutchess de Berri, the mother of the heir apparent to the crown under the lately excluded dynasty, has had the rashness and folly to attempt to enter France in person, with a view to encourage the partizans of her family to array themselves against the existing government. She left Leghorn in a steam boat, and proposed to debark somewhere in the south of France. Her movements were known to the government, and a vessel of war, the Sphinx, watched the motions of the steam boat, captured it, and brought it into Toulon. The government, it appears, has sent her Dutchesship back to her family, as the best way of showing how little France fears or cares for the impotent attempts of the Carlist party.

The celebrated naturalist, Baron Cuvier, was struck with palsy on the 12th of May, but was still living. Young Napoleon, alias the Duke of Reichstadt, died about the beginning of May. He is said to have fallen a victim to the same affection of the stomach that was fatal to his father, aggravated by too much confinement, and by disappointment and chagrin. With him, we suppose, the hopes of the Napoleon dynasty terminate. Sic transit gloria mundi.

SPAIN and PORTUGAL.-The state of these kingdoms remains much the same as heretofore exhibited. Don Pedro has recently been employing his naval force to reduce Madeira and the small adjacent islands, to a submission to his daughter's claims as their lawful sovereign. The last accounts represent his efforts as likely to prove successful. He has not yet made his descent on Portugal, but it is expected shortly to take place.

ITALY. By an arrangement agreed on by France and Austria, the troops of those powers respectively were, at the date of the last accounts, in the act of evacuating Ancona. Thus this cause of ar apprehended rupture between these great powers is happily removed.

GREECE. The following article contains all the news from Greece which the last month has furnished:-" Syra, 18th March-Yesterday, unexpectedly, the news was received here of the choice of a new prince for Greece, in the person of Prince Otho, of Bavaria. It caused, probably, greater enthusiasm than the account of the battle of Navarino, or the protocol of the 6th of July. In less than a quarter of an hour all the town was informed of it-people ran to the churches to return thanks to God. I do not believe there was a single person who was not rejoiced at it. The portrait of the new king, which was in the possession of M. Thrersch, was in the hands of all the citizens, every one wishes to see it, and some endeavoured to copy it."

BELGIUM and HOLLAND.-The latter of these powers continues to assume toward the former a warlike attitude. But no active hostilities have as yet commenced; and the great powers have recently given them both to understand that they are not to fight; and thus the matter stands.

AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, and RUSSIA, afford but little news for the present month. Rus sia is persecuting the conquered Poles most grievously; and Austria and Prussia are probably willing that it should be so; hoping that the example may prevent insurrec tions among their own people.

TURKEY remains in statu quo.

From ASIA and AFRICA We have nothing to chronicle for the present month.
AMERICA.

THE UNITED PROVINCES are, for the present, in apparently a more favourable state than they have been for some years previously-We wish it may continue.

THE BRAZILS are in a wretchedly unsettled state-Recently, at Pernambuco, there was an attempt at revolution, which was not subdued without a good deal of bloodshed. But the whole country is convulsed, and uncertainty and fear seems to pervade the whole population, especially on the sea coast. There appears to exist an inveterate enmity between the natives of the country and the old Portuguese. The latter, we suspect, must ultimately leave the Brazils, or be massacred. The existing government maintains its authority with difficulty, and we think cannot maintain it long.

MEXICO is yet in a state of civil war. The party of General Santa Anna seem to think that their prospect of final success is promising. There was recently a conflict at Vera Cruz, between his forces and those of the government, in which a number of lives were lost, but no decisive result followed.

COLOMBIA, we would hope, is likely soon to have something like a regular and settled government-We cannot give particulars.

PERU is in agitation, and quite unsettled-CHILI is said to be in peace, and from CENTRAL AMERICA, we have heard nothing recently that demands notice.

UNITED STATES.-Long has our favoured land escaped, or but lightly shared in, the grievous calamities with which the righteous Sovereign of the universe has, for many past years, seen meet to scourge most of the nations of the earth. We have, as a people, been too unmindful of his goodness, and have, in several respects, flagrantly transgressed his laws and violated his institutions. The time for our chastisement seems to have arrived. Of the three sore judgments, war, pestilence, and famine, with which he is wont to chastise guilty communities, the first two have come upon us. The Fox and Sac Indians, who inhabit the wilderness or the north-western boundary of the State of Illinois, have made war on the defenceless inhabitants of that frontier, and according to their usage, have murdered men, women, and children. One detachment of militia that went against them, has been defeated with considerable loss-not, however, as great as was at first feared and reported. The regular troops of the United States, with a large body of militia, are concentrating their force, to resist and punish this Indian invasion; and Congress, on the application of the Secretary of War, have appropriated an additional sum of 150,000 dollars, to defray the expense of this border war

fare. In the mean time, the exposed region is suffering from the combined effects of a scarcity of provisions, and the inroads and barbarities of the Indians, who have been wily enough to divide themselves into small separate bands, so that they cannot be defeated in mass, and can harrass and destroy in many places at the same time. Most deeply do we sympathize with our afflicted brethren, who have suffered from these hostile savages, and who are still exposed to their horrible cruelties. But we solemnly ask-Do we not, in this Indian war, read our sin written in its punishment? Have we not recently and most grievously oppressed, and injured, and defrauded the aboriginal inhabitants of our land? Have we not violated the solemn treaties which we had formed with some of their tribes? And what was the answer returned to General Clayton, when he asked the Senator from Indiana, whether he could account for the discontent of these very Indians? It was, that "when he was Indian agent in the west, these Indians had complained to him repeatedly of the conduct of the whites, intruding upon their lands, and ploughing up their cornfields, and that as agent he had no power to redress their grievances." And why, we ask, had he not power? Unquestionably he ought to have had it, and to exercise it too. These Indians, we are persuaded, have been driven to desperation. They cannot but know that their extirpation is likely to be, and we doubt not will be, the consequence of their making war. But their thirst for vengeance has hurried them madly to their destruction-They will perish, but many of our unhappy frontier brethren will first perish; and a heavy load of guilt will rest on our sinful land, to be punished by Him who is the avenger of the oppressed.

The pestilence by which three-quarters of our globe has been scourged for several years past, has at length invaded our continent. The dismaying East India Spasmodic Cholera, has been introduced into Quebeck and Montreal, by the numerous emigrants from Europe, who have lately arrived at those cities. To the emigrants it has, as yet, been principally, but we think not wholly confined; and never has it appeared with greater malignity than among these unhappy strangers. A few hours, sometimes not more than five or six, have sufficed for its commencement and its termination in death. It is questionable whether any case of it has yet appeared within the territorial boundaries of the United States. But it regards no boundaries, and we have reason to apprehend that, with more or less violence, it will pervade at least the cities and towns of our whole sea-board. We would be far from increasing the alarm, which is already sufficiently great. But to avoid panick, we should be apprised of approaching danger, and brace our minds to meet it with calm fortitude. In addition to all the other means which very properly are begun to be taken, with a view to diminish or avoid the coming evil, let not moral means be neglected. Let us look beyond second causes to the God who orders and governs them; and with deep humility and sincere confession of our numerous sins, let us implore his sparing mercy. While care is taken to cleanse our cities from natural filth, let not our moral pollutions be overlooked-If these were removed, the other would be less dangerous. We do hope that in every city and large town on our sea-coast, days of solemn religious observance will be recommended by the proper civil authorities of each; that in our social character as communities, we may bow ourselves before the uplifted hand of the Most High, and with united hearts and voices beseech him in the midst of deserved wrath to remember mercyto save us from what we fear, or to mitigate our sufferings-to dispose and enable us to bear our chastisement, whatever it may be, with humble and calm submission, and that it may eventually result in our lasting benefit.

Serious apprehensions, we also find, are entertained by many, that the federal union may be materially infracted, if not destroyed, by the controversy which exists on the subject of the Tariff. Into the merits of this controversy we have never entered, and never intend to enter. But as a Christian Advocate we urge the importance of eying the hand of God in all providential occurrences; and surely if there ever was a time in which the chief magistrate of our country might with propriety recommend a day of national humiliation, fasting, and prayer, such a time is the present. It has, heretofore been done by Presidents Washington, the elder Adams, and Madison-May we not hope that President Jackson will follow such high and laudable examples?

TO OUR READERS.

On the eighth of May ult. we received from the Rev. Mr. Riddle, of Winchester, Virginia, a communication of considerable length, in reply to a statement contained in the Christian Advocate of the preceding month, relative to a conversation at a dinner party, during the sessions of the General Assembly of 1831; in which it was alleged that Mr. Riddle manifested a decided hostility to the reappointment, by the Assembly of that year, of the Board of Missions of the preceding year. As it

was utterly impracticable to insert Mr. R.'s communication in our number for May, inasmuch as his paper was received but four days before the issuing of that number, and after our pages, with the exception of a small part of the last form, had passed the press, or were in type, he chose to publish his reply to our statement in the Philadelphian. To this we make no objection; and we now are only desirous that our readers should understand that his reply was kept out of our work by necessity. We told his friend, who spoke to us on the subject, that its future insertion was "under consideration ;" and we subsequently explained to that friend what we intended by that expression. It is sufficient to say that it would have appeared in our present number, if it had not been previously published in the Philadelphian, and he had continued. to request its insertion in the Advocate. The statement to which Mr. R. objects, was made on the explicit testimony of the author of the following note, with whom he must settle the question as to the facts of the case. We only remark, that when even a single credible witness positively affirms that certain things were said and were replied to by himself, his allegation is not disproved, by other credible witnesses stating that they did not hear what the first witness affirms that he heard and answered, unless it can be shown that the alleged sayings, testified to by the first witness, could not have been uttered without being heard by those who declare that they did not hear them.

"To DR. GREEN.

"Rev. and Dear Sir,-Mr. Riddle, of Winchester, Va., has attempted to make you answerable for every thing which Honesty has said concerning him. If he had said that I was responsible for every thing which you have said relative to him, he would have spoken correctly; but perhaps if he were allowed to explain, he would say that this was what he

meant.

"When Mr. Riddle was brought into notice by being put on a committee of moderate men, as he calls his party, and as they used to be called in Scotland, he probably thought it necessary to be fierce for moderation, to show that he deserved the attention which was paid him. To this I attributed his wanton attack upon me and my proscribed brethren, in time of peace, and in a company of friends. I have said that He censured us as exclusives, who ought to be displaced. This he has not denied. I have said that he did this openly, and with great freedom, and at considerable length. This he denies, by saying that he was 'particularly reserved on that subject,' and 'quite brief. But let it be re

cted that freedom and length, reserved and brief, are relative terms; and that the difference of our representations may be owing to the difference of our circumstances. He was the assailant and the speaker; I was the accused listener.

"In relation to facts, Mr. Riddle has called upon the persons present tostify. In this request, we unite. Mr. Borland's testimony,' as it is called in the Philadelphian, says expressly, 'If there was any conver sation, either before dinner or at the table, about the Assembly's Board of Missions, I do not recollect a word of it.' That is, the witness does not recollect a word about the matter in dispute; although Mr. Riddle himself has testified that such a conversation occurred. Yet this is called Mr. Borland's testimony!' The extraneous matter upon which both of them have put their own colouring, I have no objection to discuss, if Providence permit, on some future occasion, when I may be required to say more on this dispute. Respectfully, yours,

"W. L. M'Calla.”