intention to proceed on the subject of Roman Catholic disabilities by moving for the appointment of a committee to take these disabilities into consideration, or to bring the question under the consideration of their Lordships by means of a bill.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, it was the intention of Government to present to Parliament, in the course of the present session, a measure for the adjust ment of what was called the Roman Catholic Claims. This measure for the adjustment of the claims would be brought forward in a substantive shape by Ministers, without going through a committee. The measure would extend to the removal generally of all civil disabilities under which the Roman Catholics laboured, with exceptions solely resting on special grounds; and it would be accompanied by other measures rendered necessary by the removal of these disabilities.

Lord WINCHELSEA, in his usual strain, regretted the intended removal of these disabilities, in which he was followed by Lord ELDON, who maintained that the union between Church and State was as indispensable as that between man and wife! and a great deal of argument, if argument it can be called, of the same nature, which occasioned much amusement in the House.

calling their Lordships' attention to his own private wrongs, (hear, hear,) and merely say, that he courted a rigid investigation of his conduct, and was most anxious to vindicate the whole course of his proceedings in Ireland, satisfied, as he was, that a just acquittal would be the result upon every branch of accusation. He sincerely hoped, that what was intended to be done would be done graciously, not with a cold and niggard hand that the measure would be worthy a wise and liberal Legislature to offer, and befitting a high-minded, generous, long-suffering, and truly loyal people, to receive. (Hear, hear.) As for the Catholic Association, he would declare, that though he had lived for ten months under the nose of its asserted danger, he saw nothing whatever of it. How it was to be put down, without invading the right of the subject to express his grievances, he could not see; for though it was an unconstitutional body, he believed no lawyer would assert that it was an illegal one. If they would follow his advice, they would for ever extinguish the Association, and that was, to pass a bill placing upon a footing of political equality their Protestant and Catholic brethren. (Hear, hear.)

Lord GODERICH did not advise the Catholic Association to dissolve itself, for

Lord FARNHAM was unable to see any security which could protect the Protestant Establishment from the abuse of Catholic power!

Lord DOWNSHIRE was satisfied, that if the Noble Premier went straightforward in his work, he would complete his salutary labours for the permanent benefit of all parties, and secure the peace and prosperity of the empire.

Lord ANGLESEA congratulated the country on the gracious recommendation made in his Majesty's Speech, re. garding a question upon which the safety and well-being of Ireland-of the United Kingdom-mainly depended. This recommendation had diverted him from entering upon an explanation respecting his administration of the affairs of Ireland during the last ten months, of his sudden recall, and of the charges which he had reason to believe had been brought against him, of not having acted, in his high trust, in a manner consistent with his duty as the King's Representative. As, however, the public wrongs of so many millions of his fellow-subjects were now brought forward for the purpose of being redressed, he should abstain from

tholics were removed, the nature of things would dissolve that Association. You take away the food on which it exists, you destroy the vitality of the atmosphere in which it breathes, when you say to it, "the two Houses of Parliament are ready to consider your grievances and to remove them." You avert by one generous act a thunder-cloud which has long been lowering over your horizon and threatening to burst with ruin on your heads. He would not be over nice either as to the question of securities; for he was convinced that they would find the strongest security of all in doing justice. When justice was performed, six months would not elapse before they would all wonder how this question could have excited so much dissension in the country, and could have disunited and upset so many different cabinets. (Hear, hear.)

The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, that though the proposition to release the Catholics from their present disabilities emanated from the Throne, it was not to be accepted without consideration by Parliament. Such a proposition ought to be decided on its own merits-because dangerous as it was in itself, it was ren

dered still more dangerous by being recommended by a Protestant King to a Protestant Parliament.

Lord REDESDALE, among other remarks, observed, that he was certain that neither tranquillity nor satisfaction would result from the proposed change, unless all classes of Protestants were convinced that the object of it was not to force upon them the Roman Catholic religion as the religion of the state.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that in the intended measure it would be the especial care of his Majesty's Servants to provide for the safety of those institutions which must ever be held sacred in this Protestant kingdom, and which it was the duty and determination of his Majesty to preserve inviolate. As to the accusation brought against him of a want of faith in bringing forward this measure at present, he begged to remind their Lordships, that on various occasions he had expressed his anxiety for a settlement of the question, and that a time of trauquillity was necessary for such settlement. The measure he intended should precede those which he should afterwards propose, was calculated to produce that moment of tranquillity so necessary to conciliate the public to the plan intended for the pacification of Ireland. His noble friend had stated that the measure was inconsistent with the constitution. If he had been going to propose a measure which would have introduced a predominant Catholic power into Parliament, he should then have been doing that which was inconsistent with the constitution. But he was not going to do any such thing. There were degrees of power; and, he would ask, had not some noble Lords exerted their influence to produce that very power which has rendered a measure like that which he had announced to Parliament absolutely necessary? As such was the case, he implored noble Lords to look at the situation of the country and the state of society which it had produced. Whether it had been brought about by the existence of these disabilities, or by the Catholic Association, he would not pretend to say; but this he would say, that no man who looked at the state of things for the last two years could proceed longer upon the old system in the existing condition of Ireland, and of men's opinions on the subject, both in that country and in this. His opinion was, that it was the wish of the majority of the people that this question should be settled some way or other. It was in conformity with that wish that he had undertaken to bring the adjust

ment of it under the consideration of Parliament; and he hoped that their Lordships would give them such time as would enable them to bring it forward in that complete manner in which his Majesty had declared his willingness to give it his royal assent. He hoped that they would not take it into consideration by piecemeal, but would wait with patience till it was placed as a whole deliberately before them. (Hear.)

Lord LANSDOWN said, he was most glad to find that a question so indispensable to the welfare of Ireland was at length to be brought forward in a way that promised a happy issue, and he would not be so ungenerous as to pry into the motives in which the determination had originated. The question could end in one way only, and an act of grace and favour always came best from the Crown. In respect to the Catholic Association, how were they to proceed to prevent the people of Ireland from explaining their grievances? Whether the measure intended by the noble Duke should be by a suspension of the liberty of the subject, or whether it should be by sending all the members of that body to the Castle of Dublin, as long as the grievances remained untouched, those remedies would be ineffectual. (Hear.) As well might they attempt to remove the danger of a volcano by sweeping into it the cinders which it sometimes casts up: the inflammatory mass would still remain, and the attempt to check its vent would probably only cause it to explode in a quarter where it would be least expected and most injurious. He, however, fully admitted the danger to any state of having an irresponsible body exercising such powers as those possessed by the Association. But would it not be better to give that expression of feeling a proper direction, by bringing it there, where the collision of public discussion was always found the safest manner in which the public feeling could explode? What their Lordships were then doing would be the most effectual, and the only effectual, means of putting down the Association. (Hear, hear.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Thursday, Feb. 5th.

The SPEAKER having read the Royal Commission just delivered in the House of Lords,

Lord CLIVE, after warmly approving of the proposed proceedings in regard to Ireland, moved au Address to the King

in reply to his most gracious Speech; which motion was seconded by Lord CORRY.

Sir J. YORKE said, he had never before heard a speech which had given him so much pleasure, for although he for one had been opposed to what was called Catholic Emancipation, yet he always thought that the Irish people should be placed on such a footing as to contribute to the solid strength of the empire. It was upon such grounds that he considered the speech a most acceptable one. Indeed, both in length and variety, it exceeded all the other speeches he had ever heard from that quarter. (A laugh.) It was distinguished for a multitude of topics; it began with the Ottoman Porte and ended with Catholic Emaucipation. (A laugh.) Truly, to him (Sir Joseph Yorke) that was a most joyous termina tion. (A laugh.) He was also delighted to hear that our finances were flourishing; and, secondly, that economy was to be the order of the day. (Hear, hear.)

Mr. H. BANKES asked for information as to the intended measure in respect to Ireland-information which the nation, he said, had a right to possess. He should have thought, seeing his Right Hon. Friends opposite still in their places, that certain rumours as to a change in their sentiments were unworthy of credit. He trusted that their continuance in office would be a pledge for the maintenance of the Church Establishment. (Hear.) If the present proposition of Ministers went to tell the Irish agitators, that if they gave up the Association they might have whatever else they desired, he would say it was a base mode of achieving that object. It was now too late to put down the Catholic Association-" treason has done its worst." (Cries of" Hear, hear.") Was it from intimidation and dread of the Association that Government were about to introduce such a measure as Emancipation?

Sir R. INGLIS was of opinion that the term to "consider" meant in this case "concession," and that concession meant nothing else than the prostration of Protestantism. (Laughter.)

Lord MILTON complimented the Noble Premier and his colleagues on the line of conduct they had adopted in regard to the Catholic question. They had, he said, obtained a victory over their own prejudices, which would be more useful and important than that gained at Waterloo itself. (Cheers.) As to the Association, there was no occasion for a law to put it down, for the granting Emancipation would at once produce that effect. Take

away the grievance, and the Catholic Association fell at once. (Cheers.)

Mr. M. FITZGERALD expressed his delight at the prospect held out for Ireland by the production of a measure which could alone terminate a state of things that would have ended in a civil war. (Hear, hear.)

Lord CHANDOS was strongly opposed to any further concessions to the Catholics.

Mr. BROWNLOW thought that every man who respected the conscientious feelings and just rights of his fellow-subjects, would experience infinite satisfaction on hearing the Royal communication regard ing the proposed measure for Ireland.(Cheers.) It ought to be, he conceived, a subject of joy and congratulation to England-an event which should excite exultation amongst Christians. (Hear.) The act would reflect infinite credit on Ministers, and would confer the most lasting fame on the statesmen by whom it was effected. (Hear.)

Mr. MOORE was of opinion that the announcement would be a source of surprise and sorrow to Ireland: how it would be received by English Protestants, it was not for him to declare.

Mr. PEEL said, it was most painful to differ in opinion with, and separate from, honourable friends with whom he had long been concurring in a certain line of policy; but they would, he was sure, admit this, that Ministers had access to information which his honourable friends had not; and that they stood in a peculiar relation to his Majesty, by which they had contracted an obligation from which they could not relieve themselves by any reference to past declarations, from the duty of giving the best advice they could form, as to any measure, under the then existing situation of affairs. (Hear, hear.) If, therefore, Ministers believed that adherence to resistance against the Roman Catholics ought to cease-if they thought that, on the whole, it would be better for the interests of the country to take into consideration the entire condition of Ireland, it was their duty to give that advice. (Hear, hear.) And he would say, that there was, under present circumstances, less of evil and danger in considering the whole condition of Ireland, than in any other course which he could point out. (Hear.) He pretended to no new lights on the Catho. lic question. He retained the opinion he had formerly expressed in reference to that question. He saw the dangers which he heretofore felt, as connected with that subject; but he had no hesita