cution. In all these transactions Cromwell

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had

' upon his guard. And it was as warrantable for, Cromwell to fecure himself from the contrivances of his • enemies in a fhattered parliament, of which he had fo long before fuch timely notice, as it was for them to feek his ruin. For they were not his fovereigns but his equals. When he found that his profperous *atchievements raised him enemies on every fide; that they who were moft beholding to his victorious fucceffes, combined with the greateft animofity to his ' deftruction; 'twas time for him then to look about him, and to oppofe their undermining devices with countermines of the fame nature. Nor does it appear by any proof that carries authority with it, that he pretended to fingle greatnefs till he was forced to it for his own fafety. It is agreed by the author of the Memoirs himself [Ludlow] that Cromwell offered more candid and easy conditions to the King than the Prefbyterian party did; which if the King had accepted (and it does not appear to be Cromwell's fault that he did not) Cromwell himself had then put a stop to all his fingle advancement; whereas he would furely have taken another course, had he at that time me⚫ditated fingle fovereignty; but the King, who was de'figned by fate to be a victim to evil counfel, refused thofe offers, trufting to vainer hopes. On the other fide, it was manifeft that the Prefbyterian party aimed at nothing more than their own advancement by their felling the bishops lands, and when they came to treat with the King, by their fo ftifly adhering to their propofition for the abolishing of epifcopacy, knowing there could be no bishops without maintenance, and that then they must be the paramount clergy. But * then (indeed) Cromwell perceiving that it was not safe to rely on the King, nor willing to truckle under a party that were treating for their own advancement upon his ruins, 'tis rational to believe, that from that time forward he began to look upon the King as a

• con

(d) Modeft Vindication

had (GG) a principal hand. His name

for

conquered Prince, and that none could better fupply his room than the perfon who had fubdued him (d).' of O. Crom- This feems no ill-made apology.

well, p. 45.

47. 4to.

(GG) In all thefe tranjactions Cromwell had a princiLond. 1698. pal hand.] After the feclufion of the members who promoted the treaty with the King, it was natural to expect that his Majefty never more would be permitted to bear rule. But it did not once, I believe, enter into the thoughts of him or his adherents, that he would be, brought before a court of justice, tried, and executed in an open and public manner. Yet all this we know happened, to the very great amazement of many. The part Cromwell had in these transactions comes now to be related. When it was first moved in the house of ⚫ commons to proceed capitally against the King, Cromwell ftood up and told them, that if any man moved this upon defign, he fhould think him the greatest traytor in the world; but fince providence and neceffity had caft them upon it, he fhould pray God to blefs their counfels, though he were not provided on (e) Walker's Hiftory of the fudden to give them counsel (e).'The followIndependen-ing anecdote from Burnet will fhew that he had well cy, part ii. confidered the reafons and grounds of the proceeding. Lieutenant-general Drummond, afterwards Lord Strathal lan, was the relator. This gentleman happened to be

P. 54.

with Cromwell when the commiffioners fent from Scotland to proteft against the putting the King to death < came to argue the matter with him. Cromwell bade • Drummond stay and hear their conference, which he did. They began in a heavy languid ftyle to lay indeed great loads upon the King: but they ftill infifted on that claufe in the covenant, by which they fwore they would be faithful in the prefervation of his Majefties perfon. With this they fhewed upon what • terms Scotland, as well as the two houfes, had engaged in the war, and what folemn declarations of their zeal and duty to the King they all along published;

⚫ which

for this has been greatly reproached, though

6

a

there

' which would now appear to the fcandal and reproach of the chriftian name, to have been falfe pretences, if when the King was in their power they fhould pro<ceed to extremities. Upon this Cromwell entered into a • long difcourfe of the nature of the regal power, according to the principles of Mariana and Buchanan: he thought breach of truft in a King ought to be punished more than any other crime whatsoever. He faid, as to their 'covenant, they fwore to the prefervation of the King's perfon in the defence of the true religion: if then it appeared that the fettlement of the true religion was • obftructed by the King, fo that they could not come at it but by putting him out of the way, then their ' oath could not bind them to the preferving him any longer. He faid alfo, their covenant did bind them to bring all malignants, incendiaries, and enemies to the caufe, to condign punishment: and was not this 'to be executed impartially? What were all those on whom public juftice had been done, especially those who fuffered for joining Montrofe, but fmall offenders acting by commiffion from the King, who was there'fore the principal, and fo the most guilty? Drummond faid, Cromwell had plainly the better of them at their own weapon, and upon their own princi- (f) Vol. i. ples (ƒ).'————Ɔn the 21 Jan. 1648, old ftyle, Hugh p. 61. Peters preaching at Whitehall, upon Bind your Kings with chains, and your nobles in fetters of iron;' and talking, in his bold manner, concerning the King's being liable to the law as well as other men, Cromwell was obferved to laugh (g). And when on the motion of Mr. Narrative of Downes, on the laft day of the trial, the court adjourn the Tryal of ed into the court of wards, and was preffed in the moft the Regipathetic terms by him, to give the King liberty to make 168. fome propofition to the parliament for the fettlement of the kingdom, as his Majefty had in court juft before. defired after Mr. Downes had urged this, Cromwell ⚫ did answer with a great deal of form. He told the • pre

(g) Exact and perfect

'cides, P.

(b) Exact

and perfect Narrative,

c. p. 61.

() Id. p.

269.

there were not wanting men of ability, at that

(*) Clarendon, vol, vi. p. 763.

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• prefident that now he faw what great reafon the gen-
tleman had to put fuch a great trouble upon them;
faith he, fure he doth not know that he hath to do
with the hardest hearted man that lives upon the earth;
however it is not fit that the court fhould be hindred
from their duty by one peevish man; he said the bot-
tom was known, that I would fain fave his old maf-
ter, and defired the court without any more ado,
'would go and do their duty (b). Mr. Wayte, another
of the King's judges, fays Cromwell laughed and jeer-
ed, and fmiled, in the court of wards on this occa-
fion.' He afterwards adds, That being told by
Lord Gray that the King would not dye, the next
day he went to the houfe, they were labouring to get
hands for his execution at the door. I refufed, and
went into the house; faith Cromwell, thofe that are
gone in fhall fet their hands, I will have their hands
now (i). Colonel Ingoldby was a relation of Crom-
well's, and named a judge: but difliking the action, he
always abfented himfelf. But the day after the fentence
was pronounced, having occafion to go to the painted
chamber, he faw Cromwell, and the reft of those
who had fate upon the King, and were then, as he
⚫ found afterwards, affembled to fign the warrant for
the King's death. As foon as Cromwell's eyes were
upon him, he run to him, and taking him by the
hand, drew him by force to the table; and faid,
Though he had escaped him all the while before, he
'fhould now fign that paper as well as they; which he,
feeing what it was, refufed with great paffion; fay-
ing, he knew nothing of the bufinefs; and offered to
go away. But Cromwell, and others, held him by
violence; and Cromwell with a loud laughter, taking
his hand in his, and putting the pen between his fin-
gers, with his own hand writ Richard Ingoldby, he
making all the refiftance he could (k).'——An exact
copy of the warrant for the King's execution was pub-

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lifhed by the fociety of antiquaries of London, a few years fince: in which it appears that the names of fome perfons who had figned it were erafed, and other names inserted, and that the day, as well as the officers who were to fee to the execution of it, were changed. Cromwell's name ftands third on the warrant.-But to go on : Colonel Huncks declares, That a little before the • King's execution, he was in Ireton's chamber, where Ireton and Harrison were in bed together; there was Cromwell, colonel Hacker, lieutenant-colonel Phayer, • Axtell and himself standing at the door, the warrant ⚫ for the execution was there produced, and Mr. Hacker ' was reading of it, but Cromwell addreffed himself to him [Huncks] commanding him by virtue of that warrant, to draw up an order for the executioner. I refufed it, adds he, and upon refufing of it, there happened fome crofs paffages. Cromwell would have no delay. There was a little table that flood by the door, and pen, ink, and paper being there, Cromwell ftept, and writ (I conceive he wrote that which he ' would have had me to write) as foon as he had done writing, he gives the pen over to Hacker, Hacker he ftoops and did write (I cannot fay what he writ) away goes Cromwell, and then Axtell; we all went out, afterwards they went into another room; immediately the King came out, and was murthered (/).' The ( P. 221. following relation (if it had not been contrary to Huncks's account) is of too doubtful an authority to be abfolutely relied on, though in a work of this nature it cannot well be omitted. While these things were acting, [the fitting the scaffold for the King's execution] the Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any public ' appearance in the practices of this murther, had taken up (as is credibly reported) fome refolutions, (either in abhorrency of the crime, or by the follicitations of others) with his own regiment, though none elfe 'fhould follow him, to hinder the execution. This ⚫ being suspected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Harrifon coming to him, after their ufual way of deceiving, endeavoured to perfwade him, that the Lord had • rejected the King, and with such like language as they • knew