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fume, be acceptable to many of my readers.I will make but one citation more from this writer, but it contains, I believe, the fentiments of the majority in power at that time on the fubject of church government. If we feriously reflect, fays he, upon

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the defign of God, in bringing Christ into the world, < we shall find it was to fet an end to the pompous adminiftration of the Jewish form; that as his church and people were formerly confined within the narrow pale of a particular nation, fo now the pale fhould be broken down, and all nations taken into the church. < Not all nations in a lump: not any whole nations, or national bodies to be formed into churches: for his church or people now under the Gospel are not to be a body political, but fpiritual and myftical: not a promifcuous confufion of perfons taken in at adventure, but an orderly collection, a picking and chufing of fuch as are called and fanctifyed, &c. Not a company of men forced in by commands and conftitutions of worldly power and prudence, but of fuch as are brought in by the power and efficacy of Chrift's word and fpirit. For he himself hath faid, My kingdom is 'not from hence; my kingdom is not of this world, • &c. And therefore that hand which hitherto hath prefumed in moft nations to erect a power called ec‹ clefiaftick in equipage with the civil to bear fway, and bind mens confciences to certain notions ordained for orthodox, upon civil penalties, under colour of prudence, good order, difcipline, preventing of herefy, and advancing of Chrift's kingdom; and to this end hath twifted the fpiritual power (as they call it) with the worldly and fecular interest of state; this I fay hath been the right hand of antichrift, opposing • Chrift in his way, whofe kingdom being not of this world, depends not upon the helps and devices of (a) Mercurius Politicus, worldly wisdom (x).' I hefe extracts fufficiently show No. 99. P how well the caufe of liberty, civil and religious, was underflood in thefe times; how much the parliament had them at heart. For none but men confcious of fair intentions, and upright defigns towards the public, would have favoured the propagation of notions deftructive of

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1554.

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evil magiftrates, and wicked priefts, their neverfailing
coadjutors. But zealous as thefe men were for liberty,
they were careful to keep their people as much as pof-
fible from popery, and follicitous to hinder their perver-
fion to that abfurd and cruel fuperftition. A letter to the
Spanish ambaffador will fet this in a clear light. It is as
follows: The parliament of the commonwealth of
England, understanding that feveral of the people of
this city daily refort to the houfe of your excellency,
and other ambaffadors and public minifters from fo-
reign nations here refiding, meerly to hear mass, gave
order to the council of ftate, to let your excellency
< understand, that whereas fuch refort is prohibited by
the laws of the nation, and of very evil example in
this our republic, and extreamly fcandalous; that they
deem it their duty to take care that no fuch thing be
permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all fuch af-
femblys for the future. Concerning which, 'tis our
<defire that your excellency should have a fair advertise-
ment, to the end that henceforth your excellency may
⚫ be more careful of admitting any of the people of this
republic to hear mafs in your houfe. And as the par-
liament will diligently provide that your excellency's
rights and priviledges fhall be preserved inviolable, fo
they perfuade themfelves that your excellency, during
your abode here, would by no means that the laws of
this republic fhould be violated by yourself or by your
attendants (y). What would the parliament have
thought of one hundred thoufand Papifts in London and
Westminer, the number reckoned by perfons employed
in 1745 Since that time they have much encreased, if
reports are to be relied on. In fuch open defiance of
< our laws, fays an ingenious writer, has Popery been
long making great progrefs. And whether the threat-
ning confequences are not formidable, may well de-
' ferve the confideration of fuch who are able to difcern
the inestimable value of our civil and religious liber-
ties.It would be far from us, after all, to defire
any pains or penalties fhould be inflicted on men, be-
caufe they have an extravagant ritual, and are fond of
worshipping a troop of deities or demons: or for fay-

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ing prayers by tale or number, either to real or imaginary faints: for venerating a wafer or crucifix. Since he who can feast his foul, either on gold, filver, or precious ftones, or who can beft relifh wood, hay, or ftubble; fhould only have our pity, and we ought to ‹ wish him a less depraved appetite. But fo long as the Papift holds opinions fubverfive of morality, deftructive of fociety, dangerous to the civil and religious rights of mankind, i. e. fo long as the hand of popery is against every man, fo long every man's hand 'fhould be against popery. The voice of nature, of felf prefervation, is loud in the breast of every pro- (x) Three teftant against this fuperftition (z).' The reader will refolved, p. pardon I doubt not this small digreffion, if indeed it be

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I proceed now with the fubject. Befides Milton and Needham, the parliament had another writer of some figure on their fide, viz. John Parker, father to Sam. Parker, bishop of Oxon, in the time of James II. This gentleman, In the year 1650, printed a remarkable book called The government of the people of England • precedent and present the fame. It was written to spirit men to fubfcribe to the engagement to be true ⚫ and faithful to the commonwealth as then established, • without a King or the house of lords: and there he afferts that, Populus fuo magiftratu prior eft tempore natura & dignitate: quia populus magiftratum conftituit, & • quia populus fine magiftratu effe poteft, fed magiftratus • fine populo non poteft effe. Alfo out of another claffical

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Questions

30. 8vo.

Lond. 1757

author, Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, he affirms, Reges funt • a populo & funt conftituti caufa populi. More he undertakes to prove that the Kings of England had no negative voice rightly and by law, but that it was contrary to the law and their oath at coronation. And then a fortiori, that the lords neither can have any (4) Rehear negative upon the people (a).' This book I never fal Tranf profed, part faw. The writings of Henry Parker on the behalf of 2d. p. 132. the parliament are better known. They are indeed Lond. 1673 worth preferving. Mr. Wood has given us a catalogue of them (b).- Andrew Marvel is, I know, commonly Oxon. vol. faid to have been employed, under Milton, by the com- ii. c. p. 222.

8vo.

(b) Athena

fities (UU); I say if we confider all these things with

.

monwealth. But I apprehend this to be a miftake, as will appear from his own account. As to myself, fays he, I never had any, not the remoteft relation to publick matters, nor correfpondence with the perfons then predominant, until the year 1657. When in• deed I entered into an employment, for which I was not altogether improper, and which I confidered to be the most innocent and inoffenfive towards his Majefty's affairs of any in that ufurped and irregular government, to which all men were then expofed. And this I accordingly difcharged without difobliging any one perfon (c).-It must not be forgotten that all profed, part thefe gentlemen found their account in writing for the ad. p. 127. parliament and Cromwell. Both the Parkers were enriched by lucrative and honourable employs, and Marvel, I fuppofe, was not unrewarded for the discharge of his office, by the Protector.

(c) Rehearfal tranf

(UU) The wife provision made for their fate clergy, and the univerfities.] The clergy, in moft countries where christianity prevailed, got wealth, honour and power. Unmindful of their Master's doctrine and example, they loved the world, and the things which were in it, and, by a variety of ways and means, accumulated large poffeffions. How honeftly they got fome, how wifely others were beftowed on them by princes, great men, weak women, and perfons, indeed, of all ranks and degrees, from a perfuafion inftilled into them of atfal) See Fa- toning for their tranfgreffions, and getting better things in reverfion in lieu of them; I fay, how all this hapon benefici- pened is well known to moft (d). Henry VIII. with ary matters, confent of parliament, made bold to lay his hand on the lands, tenements, and hereditaments of the abbeys and monafteries, and gave, or fold them, to fuch as were able to make a better ufe of them; and his fon and Nevil's Pla- fucceffor Edward, as well as his daughter Elizabeth, to Redivi- approved of his proceedings, and availed themselves of vus, p. 98- his example, by plucking now and then a goodly ma

ther Paul

Father Si

mon on ecclefiaftical

revenues,

and Harry

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nor

without prejudice, we fhall, probably, be forced to acknowledge, that they were born for

nor or two from the bifhopricks. This (with the power of tranflations) made the bishops cautious of offending, and follicitous of obtaining the good will of the fovereign, and his favourites: and they applied themselves with fo much zeal thereunto, that they foon became downright courtiers, fupple, complaifant, unmeaning, and ready to put their hand to carry any thing into execution, which they judged agreeable to the crown. So that, for the most part, they were friends to the prerogative, and averfe to liberty. For thefe and other caufes, the lords and commons thought proper, by an act of parliament, which had the royal affent, to exclude them from the house of peers; and, by an ordinance of both houses, dated October 9, 1646, their office was abolifhed, and their lands and poffeffions fettled upon trustees for the use of the commonwealth. The preamble to this ordinance will explain the motives on which it was made. It runs thus: For the abolishing of archbishops and bifhops, and providing for the payment of the juft and neceffary debts of the kingdom, into ' which the fame hath been drawn by a war, mainly promoted by and in favour of the faid archbishops and bishops, and other their adherents and dependants; be it ordained,' &c. (*) Thus the whole of the bishops lands became vested in the parliament, who, by an ordinance, bearing date, October 3, 1648, ordered, the trustees to give warrants to the treasurers for the iffuing out and paying of the rents and • revenues of parfonages impropriate, tythes, oblations, obventions, penfions, portions of tythes, parfonages

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(*) See a collection of feveral acts of parliament, ordinances, &c. for providing maintenance for minifters, heads of colleges, &c. 4to. Lond. 1657. 'Tis from this book I have taken the feveral citations from the ordinances in this note. See alfo Scobel's collections, and Kennet's Cafe of impropriations and augmentation of vicarages, p. 241, and 268, 8vo, Lond. 1704.

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