fect on the hale nerves of an enlightened populace. They see through the shallow trickery of a wily politician. He may paint in lucid colours the horrors of the French revolution, but that will not paralyze their exertions in the noble cause of a just and national reform. He may enter in the most pathetic manner into the interesting details of Catholic cruelty and oppression, but that will not divert their attention from the odious system of oppression and cruelty, which, in this age of liberal sentiment, is exercised against an inoffensive portion of his fellow men. The people of England, though for a long period they were considered by their feudal superiors as an inferior cast, know, I am happy to assert it, how to support their majesty and dignity. They know how to value the head and heart of that man, though of royal extraction, who could, by a criminal appeal to Heaven, condemn to perpetual chains and igno. miny, a brave and highly-gifted peo le. For the honour of my species I could wish to draw a veil over an infirmity so distressing. But

"My soul turn from them-turn me to survey

Where roughest climes a nobler race display." Nothing, Sir, either in the physical or moral world, is so truly interesting and sublime as the united efforts of a nation of patriots to give the final stroke to a heartless and merciless system. I watch their movements with the deepest concern. I see with infinite delight the manly exertion of the most exalted talents in the most ennobling of all causes. This is not the cause of Ireland, it is the cause of all the world. All the good of every party and of every creed ought ferventlyto desire the removal of those grinding penal statutes. To watch the small springs of freedom, to trace their progress until they form one accumulated mass of waters, resistless and appalling, is an instructive and a pleasing employment. I have marked with peculiar satisfaction the gradual development of the noble feelings of the people of Ireland. They have at length spoken out, and with a laudable unanimity are determined to make use of every constitutional mode to effect their emancipation. Who that reads the inimitable harangues of their able orators, but feels the warm glow of patriotism transfuse itself through his frame. Cold that heart must be which experiences

no emotion. I envy not the man his feeling who can view with cool indifference an insulted and oppressed people grappling with tyranny for their inalienable rights.

There are men who style themselves moderate men, cool reasoners, who, though they have deep interest in this grand struggle, look on it with the utmost composure and criminal apathy. Some with more than oracular confidence state their opinions in the interrogative form. What good have they done with all this noise? Have they forwarded the cause in the least? Have they not rather made it retrogade? Questions of this disgusting character require no answer. They argue great ignorance of the history of emancipation, and evince great want of gratitude to the noble advocates of the cause. Men who hold such contemptible language deserve to be the victims of the worst species of slavery. Others, with the most unblushing effrontery, make no difficulty in venting out their selfish and contemptible notions in language of this nature, "I can't see what good emancipation will do me. If they succeed I shall not be a straw the better." To reason with men of this stamp would be to abuse the gift of Heaven. That they are not in the lowest degree of servility arises from no fault of theirs. I hope that this class is not numerous. A third kind of men, who are by no means contemptible in number, ability, and birth, but who, in the present crisis indulge a criminal indifference, may, I trust, Sir, be rendered sensible that their inaction is ignoble and unmanly. In the sister kingdom the excitement is as great and extensive as the most ardent lover of constitutional freedom could desire, but in the classic soil of liberty there is an inertness much to be deplored. How to excite this inert mass into action is a problem I am anxious to see solved. It is self-evident the numerous particles of this compact body must be put into quick and rapid motion, before the cause of the British Catholics can assume that dignity and importance which can alone entitle it to the serious attention of Government.

It would be absurd indeed to relax in our exertions or to lay down our arms when the enemy are making vigorous exertions to man their lines. In the hour of victory what elevating reflection will it be to even the humblest individual of the immortal band of Liberators to think that he has the merit of destroy

ing a cruel, cold, calculating system of policy. That reflection alone ought to excite every friend of freedom, without distinc→ tion of party or creed, to an active exertion of the gifts of nature or of fortune, to promote so noble a cause. If ever the words "Defer not till to morrow to believe," could be used with propriety, it is at this eventful crisis. I have already extended my desultory letter to an unpardonable length, or I would give in detail my reasons for selecting the present alarming period. I shall conclude by merely observing, that England, in the days of her humiliation and penitence, may be more inclined to mercy and justice than in the hour of her prosperity. L. R.

TO THE EDItor of the TRUTHTELLER.

MR. EDITOR,-I read with much astonishment, in the Truthteller of the 23d ult. which reached me last Saturday, a report of a meeting which was held in Kensington. You make some allusions to my name that are calculated to excite in the public. mind ideas unfavourable to my character. You say "The Rev. Gentleman had written but one work, which had been praised by Mr. Cobbett, but he got himself suspended by his Bishop for his opinions. Mr. O'Callaghan observed, he did not know how his being under a suspension could have any thing to do with his remarks. He was not suspended for any unbecoming conduct as a priest, or error in faith as a Catholic, and might be restored at any moment if he would renounce the opinion he had formed, which he could not conscientiously do." This is the paragraph of which I complain, as it is not a fair report of what I said at the meeting. The Catholics are always scan. dalized when it is said a priest is "under a suspension." May I request that you will insert that I am under no suspension from my orders, that I have from that very bishop with whom I differ on a religious question, the best of testimonials or dismissaries, with full power to enter a mission elsewhere, and that the question on which we differed, and on which I published the book, is usury, or the practice of charging interest or increase for the loan of money. As I think that to receive any increase in kind or in specie, any more than the capital or sum lent, is against the law of God, and that the priest who receives the offerings of a usurer or interest man, or affords him Christian

burial, will incur ipso facto suspension, I could not bring myself to take the care of souls where that prevails as the general practice; this resolution, whether right or wrong, I shall not now say, has cost me many long journies, and involved me in several hard trials and troubles, whilst others are more prudent and accommodate to the desires of the people, 2 Tim. iv. 3, I have the gratification of suffering for justice sake.—Matt. v. 10. Now you behold, Mr. Editor, that I am not ashamed to state, with all its ghastly features, that crime for which you thought I brought on myself the "suspension of my bishop." I hope that no respect of persons, nor private paltry motives will dissuade the TRUTHTELLER from supporting on this occasion its honourable name-from telling the truth that I thus impart to you. Being, Mr. Editor, your most humble servant, Kensington, 2d Oct. 1826. JEREMIAH O'CALLAGHAN,

Roman Catholic Priest.

NOTE. Our reverend Correspondent needed not to have concluded his letter with so emphatic a hope that we would do him justice, as we trust always to maintain the title we have chosen for our standard, and allow every one fair play. We must be permitted to observe, however, that we cannot discover any cause of complaint against our report, and we are assured that Mr. O'Callaghan did not himself object to the term suspension in his reply to us, but used it in substance as we have given it to our readers. But what is the mighty variance between us? We said that Mr. O'Callaghan was suspended by his Bishop for an opinion he entertained, he says he had a difference with his Bishop on a religious subject, and that he declined exercising his ministerial functions because he could not do so conscientiously. In other words, he was not allowed to do so by his Bishop without a retraction of his opinion, which amounts to a suspension. We did not use the expression to convey any immoral charge against the character of the Rev. Mr. O'Callaghan, but we thought it extremely singular that he should throw out apprehensions for our orthodoxy, when he himself did not appear to be correct in his own notions. We must tell Mr. O'Callaghan too, that Priests suspended in one diocess or district are frequently employed in another; and we cannot help admiring his modesty in charging his own Bishop and the Catholic Hierarchy and Clergy of Ireland and England with the heinous crime of accommodating their consciences to the desires of the people, while he, good man, is a solitary sufferer, for justice sake. He just before told us he would not say whether he was right or wrong, but if this be not a judgment in his own favour, and a severe censure of all who differ from him, we do not understand the meaning of words. We applaud the motive which induces the Rev. Mr. O'Callaghan to suspend himself from exercising priestly orders, as he says it is from conscience, but we cannot help thinking he had better refrained from making such a sweeping condemnation of those Bishops and Priests who are performing their ministerial duties for the salvation of souls, many, of whom are by far more conversant with divinity and casuistry than he appears to be. We have thought it necessary to say thus much, in justice to ourself and to the venerable Clergy thus attacked, on complying with Mr. O'Callaghan's request to insert his letter. W. E. A.

FRIENDS OF CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

AT a MEETING of the CANTERBURY CATHOLIC FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION, assembled at the OLD PALACE, on Sunday Evening, the 24th of September, 1826, Mr. C. AIANO in the Chair, it was resolved unanimously,

1. That this Meeting do now form themselves into a Society of the Friends of Civil and Religious Liberty, and that a Treasurer and other Officers be ap pointed to conduct the business of the same.

2.-That this Association having received a valuable addition to its Library of above 150 volumes, the handsome present of our late highly respected Pastor, we feel confident we cannot better fulfil his wishes than by wearing out the same in the great cause of Civil and Religious Liberty.

S. That each Member do subscribe Three Halfpence per week, of which sum One Halfpenny shall comprise a fund for the keeping of the books in repair and the purchase of the Truthteller, or any other publication that may be recommended by a majority of the Members, and that the other Penny shall be solely appropriated to the purchase of Tracts now publishing by Mr. Au

drews.

4. That each Member do strenuously endeavour to realize the object in view, by lending to his Protestant friend such book as may seem best calculated to allay the prejudice which still unhappily exists in the minds of a great portion of our Protestant fellow countrymen.

5. That the Tracts, when published, be procured and equally divided to the Subscribers for their general distribution.

6. That any subscription over one Penny per week be considered as a free gift, and that donations, however small, will be most thankfully received.

7.-That this Meeting view with pleasure the munificent donation of the Baroness de Montesquieu in support of the Forty-shilling Freeholders of Ireland. 8. That the thanks of this Meeting are hereby given to the Rev. Mr. Quix, for the handsome manmer in which he consented to become the Patron of this Society.

9. That the thanks of this Meeting are hereby given to those Protestant Friends who have so kindly united with us in the cause of Truth and Justice. 10. That the thanks of this Meeting are eminently due and hereby given to Mr. W. E. Andrews, for his truly independent exertions in the Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty.

A Meeting of Catholics of the Blackburn Congregation was held last night, for the purpose of considering the propriety of forming a SOCIETY OF FRIENDS OF CIVIL RELIGIOUS LIBERTY in this town. Mr. WILCOCK was called to the Chair, and the following resolutions were unanimously passed.-viz.

1. That it is with heart-felt pleasure we perceive the exertions now making in the metropolis and vicinity, as well as in different parts of the kingdom, to distribute small tracts with wood cuts, well calculated to dispel the erroneous prejudices of the people and show how CORRUPTION has destroyed our privi leges, and plundered the POOR of their patrimony.

2,-That notwithstanding the dire distress which pervades this district, we should deem it a dereliction of duty were we not to make an attempt (though feeble) to second the efforts of our fellow-sufferers; in accordance with which we convene a meeting, to be held at the New Inn, the 8th of October instant, at six o'clock in the evening, in order to adopt resolutions for our future guidance, and we promise to procure the attendance of as many as possible of our brethren who differ from us in religious belief.

3.-That it being the opinion of this meeting that our objects would be greatly faciltated by exhibiting some of the tracts alluded to, Mr. Wm. Taylor (agent to Mr. W. E. Andrews) is in consequence requested to send for 100 copies of each separate tract already published, similar to the one entitled "Dark Ages of Popery and Enlightened Days of Protestantism."

Blackburn, Oct. 2d, 1825.