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THE

AND

Church of England Magazine.

MARCH 1825.

MEMOIRS OF THE REFORMERS.

CALVIN..

[Continued from Page 47.] THE progress of the reformed tenets in France, in spite of the persecuting measures of the court, awakened the jealousy of the doctors of the Sorbonne, who on Sunday, March 10, 1542, agreed on twenty-five Articles of Religion, which they published with the intent, as they professed, of settling the minds of the faithful on the principal points controverted between the two parties. Calvin lost no time in replying to this obnoxious document, in a paper entitled, "An Antidote against the Errors of the Sorbonnists:" which is a concise but able formulary of Protestantism; one while disproving their positions by solid argument, and at another showing their absurdities with playful satire; and both with such effect, that men of judgment among the Romanists themselves must have been ashamed of the production of an university, which affected to take the lead in most theological or ecclesiastical questions *.

His next contest was with AIbert Pighius, a Dutch divine, who had distinguished himself by his opposition to Protestant sentiment, and had maintained the Papal pretensions against Gratz, a clergy

*Gerdesius, Tom. iii. Doc. No. viii.

Beza, Vita Calv. p. 371.-Calv. Opp.

Tom. viii. fol. 190. MAR. 1825.

man of Campen, and the states of Overyssel. For his defence of a Bull to the General Council in

1538, he had been rewarded by St. John of Utrecht; and was pathe Pope with the Provostship of tronized by the Cardinals Sadolet and Cervinus, to whose dignity he self the opponent of our Reformer. hoped to arrive by showing himIll-favoured in visage, and hoarse in utterance, his doctrines were as little acceptable to a comparatively free population as his person and address; but he was an ingenious sophister, and his ambition suggested the probability of obtaining the applause of the great. In refuting, however, the assertions of Calvin, he ran so far into the opposite extreme of Pelagianism, that the Romanists themselves could not give him unqualified praise; for Cardinal Bona advised that his works be read with cauhis sentiments on original sin and tion; and Possevin declared, that divine grace were contrary to the writings of Augustine: so that Beza observes, in his keen manner,

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Pighius chose Calvin for his antagonist, that by gaining a notable victory over him, he might but he was disappointed in his exget a cardinal's hat from the Pope; pectation, and only obtained the reward which the enemies of truth deserve that is, to be despised by learned and wise men, and outwitted by Satan himself." Calvin

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called his work in answer to this polemic, "A defence of the Doctrine of the Bondage and Freedom of the Human Will," which he de-, dicated to Melancthon, who acknowledged its merits in such high terms, that Beza wished his testimony had been made public for the sake of Christian truth †.

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It is curious, that Calvin charges his adversary with stealing arguments out of the "Institutes;" and having noticed the plagiarism, he remarks with considerable point, "the reader will wonder how Pighius came to be so stupid, as not to apprehend that he would be immediately detected. But when I consider it, there is one thing may be said in his excuse, that he did so, more out of security than imprudence; for he was satisfied, if he could please those who as conscientiously forbear to read our writings, as they readily commend and admire every thing that is written against us." In fact, Pighius borrowed from the man whom he reprobated so many correct sentiments, that he was reproached by his own party, as one too much corrupted with Protestant leaven. This gave occasion to an animated apostrophe by Bishop Carleton, who published a treatise against the decrees of Trent in 1619, and which has been quoted by several biographers of Our Reformer: "The Papists assert, that Pighius, otherwise a Catholic doctor, was led away by reading the works of Calvin; but Pighius himself affirms, he had his doctrine only from the Scriptures. O Calvin, happy, even by the testimony of thy adversaries, since thy writings are so conformable to the Holy Scriptures, that what a very famous Popish Doctor confesses he took from the Scriptures, other Papists imputed to the reading of thy books! Certainly, had not the opinion of scholastic divines evi

Bayle, Vol. iv. p. 638.

dently clashed with the Scriptures, Pighius would never have forsaken it *"

But Calvin had to contend with those who held reformed truth in a fanciful and erroneous manner, as well as with professed supporters of the old superstition. The name of Sebastian Castalio is well known as a Scripture critic. Calvin had formed an acquaintance with him at Strasburg, and had recommended him to a regent's place in the College of Geneva; but had afterwards reason to regret his patronage, on account of Castalio's conceit and eccentricity. Having written a translation of the New Testament into French, he submitted it to the judgment of Calvin, who thought it his duty to remonstrate against a certain familiarity in the style, as unsuitable to the sacredness of the subject. The vanity of the author was exceedingly piqued; and he began to vent his ill-humour, and seek to gain notoriety, by affecting to differ from the orthodox ministers by new interpretations of Scripture, and particularly by maintaining that the Canticles ought to be expunged from the sacred Canon. The more sober ministers protested against this position; which so enraged him, that he publicly attacked them with gross invectives, and was summoned to answer for his conduct before the Senate, at the close of April, 1544; when, after a patient hearing, he was censured as a reviler, and ordered to quit the city.

For the part taken by our Reformer against this critic, it is presumed he will find his apology in the breast of the devout Christian. Unhappily, however, there have been found theologians who have trodden in the steps of Castalio; but their objections are sufficiently counteracted by the strong internal evidences of the authenticity of the

* Wood's Ath. Oxon. Vol. I. p. 442. 2

Canticles, as well as by the uninterrupted current of Jewish and Christian antiquity." Bishop Horsley declared, "In the prophetical book of the song of Solomon, the union of Christ and his church is described in images taken entirely from the mutual passion and early love of Solomon and his bride. Read the Song of Solomon; you will find the Hebrew king, if you know any thing of his history, produced indeed as the emblem of a greater personage; but you will find Him in every page

While the errors of a Castalio were corrected by our Reformer, he was called to oppose the horrible sect of the Libertines, by which the Christian church was much troubled. Their leaders were, Quintin of Hainhault, and Copin of Lisle, with three others named Bertrand, Perceval, and Pocques. They taught with unblushing effrontery a complete system of Antinomianism: maintaining, that the Deity, being the sole operating cause in the mind of man, and the immediate author of all human actions, the distinctions of good and evil, which had been established with regard to those actions, were false and groundless, and that strictly speaking men could not commit sin that religion consisted in the union of the spirit with the Supreme Being: that all, who attained this happy union by elevation of mind, might indulge their appetites without restraint, being perfectly innocent: that a fear of divine wrath was hell, but a freedom from such apprehension, heaven. As they were entering France, after making disciples in Flanders and Brabant, Calvin and Viret wrote against their heresies. But the treatise of the former displeased the Queen of Navarre, who, in supporting the principle of

* Horne's Introduction to Crit. Study of Script. Vol. iv. p. 141.-Horsley's Sermons, Vol. i. p. 73.

toleration, was led to entertain favourable sentiments of Quintin and Pocques, admitting them into her palace, and listening to their plausible discourse. She complained to him as one who, in reading his severe animadversion on these characters, felt herself wounded through their sides; on which he wrote her an answer in justification of his conduct, conceived in terms of respect for her high station, but with a fidelity of reproof becoming so eminent a servant of Christ. He gave her credit for zeal in the cause of religion, but warned her against listening for a moment to these agents of Satan. His remonstrance so far prevailed, that these impious teachers were forced to leave the French territory, and confine themselves to the limits of Holland and the Netherlands. The Antinomian leaven continued to ferment in that division of Europe. When Melancthon and Bucer were at Bonne, assisting the Archbishop of Cologne in the work of reformation, as they were walking on the bank of the Rhine, the former is reported to have frequently stretched out his arm, earnestly exclaiming, "Alas, poor Belgium, bathed with the blood of thy children, and torn by perverse teachers!"

It is not only necessary to refer to the calamities which at this season afflicted the church, but also to advert to a circumstance in the secular history of Geneva, to which the records of the human race afford but few parallels for the enormity of its wickedness. A wretch named Lentilles, who had been. assistant-surgeon in the public hospital, where he had attended some patients in a contagious distemper, actually entered into a league with and servants to certain nurses spread the evil as widely as possible, in order to make employment for themselves. His agents were busied in the horrible and disgusting office of carrying about

clothes which had been used by the diseased, and rubbing them on the houses of the citizens; nor did the pestilence thus promoted subside, till twenty thousand were supposed to have perished in the town and neighbourhood. When the foul conspiracy was detected, the magistrates took signal vengeance on the perpetrators. Seven men and twenty-four women were burned alive, while Lentilles and two others were flayed with hot instruments *.

Beza observes, that Satan seems to have driven the people at this time to a sort of desperation, in revenge of the opposition raised against his empire by Calvin and his associates. He boldly inveighed against the vices of the younger citizens, who frequented brothels and taverns, and encouraged each other in riotous pastimes. The Reformer, with the more decent and respectable of the inhabitants, urged the necessity of prohibiting many of their sports and disorderly practices by municipal regulations, while the faithful ministers joined him in threatening excommunication to the contumacious. In the year 1546, these moral disorders were aggravated by fresh disputes about civil privileges, and more especially concerning the disposal of the temporalities which had belonged to the Romanists, and which the ministers and their friends desired to be appropriated otherwise than was wished by some of the leading characters. Calvin warned them to beware of incurring the guilt of sacrilege, by diverting to other purposes donations which had been made to the church; yet he could not but own a sort of retributive justice in the spoliation of

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suffer his sanctuary to be polluted by the wages of iniquity."

Harassed as he was on all sides, and infirm in health, he neglected none of his public or private duties, assisting the magistrates, counselling the pastors, giving lectures, composing works, and writing letters in various directions. The Parliament of Aix in Provence issued at this period a cruel edict against the Waldenses of Merindol, Cabriers, and other places, which led to the most dreadful persecution of this simple people. A brutal soldiery set fire to their towns, and exercised barbarities upon them without distinction of age or sex. Some of the refugees escaping to Geneva, brought Calvin tidings of the sufferings of their countrymen, who was the more sensibly affected by the intelligence, as he had sent them epistles of consolation and direction, and appointed pastors for instructing them in the truths of the Gospel.

The preparations made by the Emperor against the Protestants, and the artful measures of the court of Rome, encouraging the abettors of the old superstition, our Reformer discovered the affection and diligence of a true pastor in confirming the minds of the brethren; one while showing them the exaggerated nature of the reports spread by the papal emissaries; and at another exhorting them to that confidence in the protection of the Great Head of the Church, of which, as a duty, the obligation is more easily allowed in seasons of comparative tranquillity, than illustrated in the hour of peril. For himself, he had to contend with bitter enemies. He could sympathize with the afflicted, while he set an example in his own person of the resignation or courage that he inculcated. Perrin, a magistrate who had been employed as a deputy to solicit his return from Strasburg, but who was now dis

gusted at his fidelity, and jealous of his authority, having succeeded in obtaining the nomination of Captain-general, put himself at the head of the discontented party in politics, and the profligate in morals, decrying the influence of Calvin in the Council and the church, and affecting to cast on him the blame of all their evils. They protested against his sour fanaticism, rigid administration, and impracticable regulations. At length, one of the Council had the boldness to charge him publicly with preaching false doctrine; but failing to substantiate the accusation, was sentenced to imprisonment, and to do penance by bearing a torch in his hand through the city. As he was instigated by two ministers, who were known to be drunken characters, the Government further marked its displeasure by suspending them from their office. Perrin also himself was deposed from his captaincy, and committed to prison. Calvin was unwearied in promoting the public peace, contributing to the settlement of claims between the Presbytery and Senate, or calming the rage of the rival factions in the state. On one occasion, when they were drawing their swords against each other, he interposed at the hazard of his life, and prevented an insurrection. He then rebuked them from the pulpit, and warned them of impending judgment. Gruet, an infidel and immoral citizen, affixed a libel against the clergy to the pulpit, in which he declared that Calvin in particular ought to be cast into the Rhone. On his apprehension, his papers were examined, and found to contain blasphemous and seditious matter; such as objections to the authority of Scripture and the immortality of the soul, encouragements to gross licentiousness, plans against the Presbytery and the Government, and invitations to the court of France to take part against Calvin. He was beheaded

on the 26th of July, 1547; and the vigour of the magistracy allayed for a while the popular frenzy.

At this period, our Reformer composed his "Antidote against the seven sessions of the Council of Trent." He also sent an epistle to the reformed of Rouen, guarding them against the Antinomian doctrine of a Franciscan preacher; wrote his Commentary on the Epistles of St. Paul; answered the arguments of the German Interim; and drew up a refutation of judicial astrology, by whose absurdities many persons began to be seduced. He moreover dispatched a consolatory letter to Dr. Brentzen, Pastor of Halle in Swabia, who had been forced to flee to Basle, for his zeal in the reformed cause; and another to Bucer, who with Martyr and some more friends had escaped to England, and whom he affectionately exhorted to cultivate greater perspicuity in speaking and writing on the important article of the Lord's Supper.

But the English Protestant is principally concerned in his correspondence with Edward, Duke of Somerset, the Protector. In an elegant Latin epistle, dated from Geneva, 22d of October, 1548, he gives him his sentiments on the work of Reformation, which that nobleman was promoting in conjunction with Archbishop Cranmer. After a suitable preface, he exhorts him to follow the example of Hezekiah, and not to be deterred by enemies in prosecuting yet further the great cause which he had undertaken; complains, that he had heard that sermons were rarely preached calculated to move the affections of the hearers, and approves of the plan of a Liturgy, as expressive of the unanimous sense of the faithful; implores him to put the finishing stroke to the work so happily begun in his country; blames the prayers for the dead, the use of the chrism, and extreme

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