Maimbourg, as was natural for him, sneers at Luther's profession of having become better informed upon this subject: "he found it," he says, "convenient to change his opinion." But sneers answer no arguments, though they often cover the lack of them, and save the trouble of investigation. The Prussian divines, consulted by the duke Albert, in the year 1537, "after mature deliberation," unanimously came to the same conclusion with those of Saxony: and they state the grounds of it very distinctly. They observe, that Christians are "to render to God the things which belong to God, as well as to Cesar the things which belong to Cesar:" and they distinguish between persons "considered simply as Christians," and as holding certain relative and official situations, "as citizens and as princes;" and between "persons absolutely subject, and persons yielding obedience under certain restrictions and conditions." 1 The former, they state, "must not comply with commands contrary to their consciences, but they have no further right of resistance, and must bear the consequences: but, since the princes of the empire are not subject, but in a manner peculiar to themselves, and saving the authority which they possess within their own territories; and the emperor has not a jurisdiction over their subjects, except mediate (namely through them,) "and in certain reserved cases; it follows, that the princes have expressly speaks, to the ambassador of the duke of Lignitz, of Luther's former opinion as the result of haste and defective information. Justus Jonas and Bugenhagius also came to the same conclusion. Ibid. 216 (a.) 1 "Inter merè subditos, et certis legibus et conditionibus parentes." A. D. 1531. CHAP. a right, and are in duty bound, to defend their subjects against unjust violence." Indeed I know not on what ground the contrary principle, that the emperor and the other catholic princes had a right to dictate to the protestant states; and that these were bound either to submit to their dictates, or to bear patiently such punishments as they should be pleased to inflict, can be maintained, except it be the assumption, that the church of Rome was entitled to that universal sovereignty which she claimed, and might require, and could give authority to, all faithful princes to enforce her decrees. 2 Let not, then, all this be confounded with the case of subjects taking upon them to inquire, whether an actual law is just, before they consent to obey it: the point maintained is, that the German princes were not, in this sense, the emperor's subjects and likewise the real question here is, not whether an existing law were just, but what the law of the case really was. So much it seemed needful to say, upon what was to the reformers, at this period, a question 1 Seck. iii. 146. M. Basnage, after examining this question, comes precisely to the same conclusion that I have done, and upon similar grounds:-"Il est bon de remarquer que ceux qui entrèrent dans cette ligue étoient des princes souverains.... Ils traitent avec l'empereur en souverains.... M. de Meaux a dont tort de traiter les princes et les electeurs comme il feroit de simples sujets qui refuseroient l'obeïsance au magistrat."-Hist. de l'Eglise, xxv. vi. 4. 2 Compare Seck. iii. 160 (i). At Rome the emperor was reprehended," on account of the pacification of Nuremberg," for putting his sickle (as they said,) into another man's harvest; every prince being obliged, by the strictest bonds of censures, to the extirpation of those that are condemned by the pope-wherein they ought to spend their goods, estate, and life; and much more are the emperors thus bound, because they do solemnly swear unto it." F. Paul, 59. 1531. of deep and painful interest: and I have thought A. D. it due to those illustrious characters thus, as I hope, to demonstrate that they were liable to no imputation of treason or rebellion, in determining, if actually attacked, to defend the civil and religious rights of themselves and their subjects by force of arms. To this strict line of defence against actual violence all the leading parties, with one exception, confined their measures. The landgrave, as on a former occasion,1 was not content with this: he would have begun the attack; and some few of the cities seconded him: but his counsel was justly rejected and condemned by all the rest. 2 The expediency of the course adopted by the protestant powers is another question. There can be no doubt, that their league, combining with the peculiar circumstances of the times, held the emperor in check, and formed the great obstacle to his ambitious designs with respect to Germany, for many years; and thus served to protect the reformation to the very end of Luther's life: but then it was, at the same time, and for this very reason, in a high degree galling to Charles's proud and aspiring spirit, and tended to irritate the severity of his proceedings when he did succeed in crushing the confederation, and, as he vainly imagined, had finally triumphed over the protestant cause. of the But it pleased providence for the present to Circumrelieve the protestants from their apprehensions in an unexpected manner. The emperor was Emperor. by no means prepared to engage in a civil war. That with the Turks was of itself sufficiently urgent. They had again invaded Hungary 1 Milner, v. 453, 493. (1050, 1092.) 2 Seck. iii. 3, 13. CHAP. 11. with an immense army, and for the avowed purpose of dethroning Ferdinand, and advancing another person in his place: and the protestants, before the late diet separated, had declared, that they could neither furnish any aid against the Turks, unless they were themselves protected, and peace secured within the empire, nor contribute to the expences of the imperial chamber, unless they were placed on the same footing as the other states, with respect to that court. Contrary also to their solemn protestations, as well as to those of some of the catholic princes, Charles had lately procured his brother to be elected king of the Romans, and his successor in the empire: which was considered as a step towards establishing hereditary and absolute authority, repugnant to the constitution, and subversive of the liberties of Germany.-On all these grounds he was desirous of conciliation, and readily listened to the proposals of the archbishop of Mentz, and Lewis, elector palatine, who offered to mediate between him and the Pacification protestants. By this means, after many difficulties and protracted conferences, a pacific arrangement was at length effected, on terms highly advantageous to the protestants. This pacification called, from the place where it was agreed upon, the Pacification of Nuremberg, was settled in that city in the month of July, 1532, and solemnly ratified, the month following, in the imperial diet held at Ratisbon. 1 of Nurem berg. A. D. 1532. "In this treaty it was stipulated, That universal peace be established in Germany, until the meeting of a general council, the convocation of which within six months the emperor 1 Sleid. 151-161. Seck. iii. 15, 16, 19-24. shall endeavour to procure; that no person shall be molested on account of religion; that a stop shall be put to all processes begun by the imperial chamber against protestants, and the sentences already passed to their detriment shall be declared void. On their part, the protestants engaged to assist the emperor with all their forces in resisting the invasion of the Turks. Thus," says the historian whose words I am here using, "by their firmness in adhering to their principles, by the unanimity with which they urged all their claims, and by their dexterity in availing themselves of the emperor's situation, the protestants obtained terms which amounted almost to a toleration of their religion; all the concessions were made by Charles, none by them; even the favourite point of their approving his brother's election was not mentioned; and the protestants of Germany, who had hitherto been viewed only as a religious sect, came henceforth to be considered as a political body of no small consequence."1 How far their attainment of political consequence was conducive to the interests of genuine religion among them, or how far, on the contrary, it was prejudicial, and required some powerful counterpoise, may furnish matter for grave and serious consideration: but one cannot forbear rejoicing in their present deliverance, and in the triumph of a righteous cause. Scultetus here very properly calls us to admire the providence of God, which made the Turkish sultan the great instrument of annulling, or at least suspending the execution of the decree of Augsburg against the reformation. 2 It was the anxious desire of Luther, that no A. D. 1532. 1 Robertson, iii. 57, 58. 2 Annales, 172. |