distinct orders in her social structure, and distinct legislative bodies in her constitution, must present a curious contrast to the simple and democratic Norway. I resolved to pass the summer of 1838, in visiting this fairest and most important portion of the Scandinavian Peninsula. None of the secondary European powers have acted such brilliant and important parts in modern history, as the Swedish monarchs. Gustavus Vasa, Gustavus Adolphus, Charles XII., live in the memory of all nations. If the highest achievement with the smallest means be the test of military genius, the Vasa race have not been equalled by any commanders even in our times. But Sweden has not, like Norway, an heroic age in her ancient history, connecting her earliest exploits with the fate of other countries. She had no Harold Haarfagre in the ninth century, driving her nobility and their followers to the high seas, to conquer new homes and kingdoms in distant lands, for themselves and their posterity. The Swedish "small kings" plundered at home, and became, like the nobility of Poland, a power of which the strongest party disposed of the crown, and ruled the country amidst perpetual factions, tumult, and bloodshed. The Swedish historian Geyer, one of the most acute and philosophic of modern historians, observes that the history of the Swedish nation is but the history of its kings. He might have added, that the history of its kings is often but the history of the factions and intrigues of a nobility governing in reality from behind the throne; and of whose power the kings, with few

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exceptions, have, down to the present age, been either the puppets or the victims. The present position of Sweden among the European powers extraordinary. By the loss of her foreign provinces of Finland and Pomerania, she is severed from the mainland of Europe, and its political affairs: and by the singular chance which has seated upon her throne a new line of monarchs, not connected by family alliances with any other royal dynasty, she stands politically isolated even more than physisically. What has been or will be the result of this curious political position?

Hamburgh, 1838. April 24.-A voyage in a steam vessel across the North Sea is in truth a very tedious affair, although it be one of only fifty hours. Steam with all its powers has not the power of making itself agreeable. On board of a sailing vessel you have at least the satisfaction of understanding, or fancying you understand, the trimming of the sails; of watching the changes of the wind, and are interested in all the circumstances that retard or accelerate your progress: but in a steam vessel, the passenger who has the luck not to be seasick, is in a state of ennui almost as pitiable. The tame scenery of the Elbe will scarcely relieve it, and probably the first object that attracts his notice from his leaving the British shores, is the royal navy of Hanover riding at anchor in a muddy bight of the river, in the shape of a cutter of six or eight guns, which apparently has passed her youth in the English revenue service, as she has an English name, and levying a duty upon all goods passing

up and down, in direct contravention of the convention of Vienna of 1815, by which the navigation of all rivers from the sea to the highest navigable point, is declared to be free of all imposts, except for the support of buoys, lights, or towing paths. The way in which this branch of the royal revenue of Hanover is levied, shows a disregard of equity which, although in a trifle, gives the traveller no favourable impression of the spirit of the government. It is a duty of eightpence upon each parcel-my portmanteau pays eightpence, and Mr. Rothschild's chest of gold pays no more. A carpet bag and a woolpack pay the same duty, neither value, bulk, nor equity being considered, but merely the cheapest way of levying an impost upon goods in transit to a third country, abrogated by a solemn convention of the European powers as contrary to international law. England might just as reasonably levy a duty on goods passing through the channel, or crossing the north sea.

Hamburgh has one very striking feature which no other northern city perhaps presents - a square of water surrounded by streets and public walks. It is too large and pure to have the appearance of a pond or piece of water formed by art, and is, in fact, a natural lake in the bosom of the town, formed by a small river, the Alster. The old fortifications of the city, which were carried across this lake at its narrowest part, have been razed, and the ground they occupied laid out in public walks. The water which filled the ditches of the old works now takes its natural course, and

the effect of a really fine lake in the middle of a great city, is exceedingly beautiful. The houses of the Hamburghers, except in the front, sides, and neighbourhood of this sheet of water, are of mean appearance, closely huddled together, and the streets are narrow, dirty, without foot-pavements, and not lighted with gas. Gas-lights, I was told, would interfere with the trade and means of living of those who supply oil for lighting the city. Their Magnificences - that is, the official title of the town counsellors of this burgh — have, it seems, the aptitude so much admired in burghs on our side of the North Sea, of considering private interests as rights not to be disturbed for the public benefit. The city has a self-elected town-council or senate, four burgomasters, and four syndics, the latter having no deliberative voice, but only discharging administrative func

tions.

The population of the city and its little territory is reckoned at 140,000 persons, and its contingent to the forces of the Germanic body as one of its states, is a corps of 1300 men. Edinburgh or Glasgow, each of which has a larger population, would find it an intolerable direct burden, to levy and support a military force of 1300 men, besides a police; but Hamburgh is a commercial not a manufacturing town, and the employment of people in the transport of goods through the place, can occupy but a small proportion of the labouring class, while the town duties on the transit of goods, however moderate, yield to the town-council or

state a large revenue for levying and supporting its contingent. The very different effects of capital employed in commerce, and of capital employed in manufacture, are brought out strongly here. Around Hamburgh at half a mile distance, all is as still and quiet as if there was not a town within a hundred miles. There is no movement on the roads, no hurry or bustle of business. The great commercial capital of the merchants of Hamburgh gives no employment to the main body of the lower and middle classes in the adjacent country. A third rate manufacturing town with us, as for instance Wakefield or Dundee, extends a beneficial influence on the industry, means of living, and social condition of a far wider circle of country. The clothing of the country people and labourers, their waggons, harness, and the workmanship of every thing used by the lower and middle classes in wood, iron, leather, or cloth, show a very low state of the useful arts. I remember Hamburgh forty years ago, and it strikes me now, that there has been very little change or improvement during that time, compared at least with the advance of our population, in those articles which are the first indications of improvement in the condition of a people.

Kiel, April 26.-I was wrong in saying that forty years have wrought no improvement in the country around Hamburgh. An essential improvement has taken place, although not produced by the effect of the commercial capital of Hamburgh upon the spirit of the people, but by the fiat of the