direct opposition to all the ordinary powers of the world, and 'could justify that opposition only on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence depended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that claim. All Protestantism, even 'the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in our northern colonies, is a refinement on 'the principle of resistance; it is the diffidence of dissent, and 'the Protestantism of the Protestant religion. This religion, ' under a variety of denominations, agreeing in nothing but in 'the communion of the spirit of liberty, is predominant in most of the northern provinces; where the Church of England, notwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no more than a 'sort of private sect, not composing, most probably, the tenth of 'the people. The colonists left England when this spirit was high, and, in the emigrants, was the highest of all; and even that stream of foreigners which has been constantly flowing ' into these colonies, has, for the greatest part, been composed ' of Dissenters from the establishments of their several coun'tries, and have brought with them a temper and character far 'from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed. . . .

The temper and character which prevail in our colonies, are, 'I am afraid, unalterable by any human art. We cannot, I 'fear, falsify the pedigree of this fierce people, and persuade 'them that they are not sprung from a nation in whose veins the blood of freedom circulates. The language in which they 'would hear you tell them this tale, would detect the imposi'tion; your speech would betray you. An Englishman is the 'unfittest person on earth to argue another Englishman into slavery. I think it nearly as little in our power to change 'their republican religion, as their free descent; or to substitute 'the Roman Catholic as a penalty, or the Church of England ' as an improvement. The mode of inquisition and dragooning is going out of fashion in the old world; and I should not 'confide much to their efficacy in the new.'*

It is but too certain, that the bitterest feelings of animosity towards the Americans, have originated in ecclesiastical jealousies. By the High Church party, it is still regarded as an inexpiable offence, that America should exhibit the practical demonstration, that religion, order, and morals can exist without a hierarchy; and even among the evangelical party in our Establishment, there has been manifested a great slowness to believe, that the state of things in America, as regards religion, will admit of comparison with our own country. The "Tra

velling Bachelor" pointedly alludes to this lamentable effect of inveterate prejudice.

To nine millions of the population of America, it will appear incredible, that England has doubted, nay still doubts, whether religion or religious instruction exists among them! I write under the observation of four visits to England, and an extensive acquaintance with the habits of my own country, when I affirm, that religion, to say the least, is as much inculcated, and its prescriptions as rigidly observed, in all the northern and middle, and some of the southern states of America, as in the most favoured quarters of England *. It is lamentable, that an error so injurious in its consequences, so false and uncharitable in its nature, should have had an existence among men who evidently wish to believe the best.' Vol. I. p. 430.

It is one of the extravagant assertions that have proceeded from the Trophonian Oracles of Modern Millenarianism, that America is the only nation in the world without a national 'God,' being further from the truth in this matter,' than Turkey, Ava, or China! We hope, that this assertion will not go forth to America as a sentiment which would be tolerated out of the small circle of fanaticism. The New England States were absolutely theocratic in their constitution, and had religion for their origin and basis. But, to those who identify religion with intolerance, and national piety with a test-act, America must of necessity appear a country less Christian than Spain, less religious than China. Let not the character of Englishmen be considered as implicated in such aberrations. In Captain Basil Hall, however, we have a backer of the Established Church, somewhat more ingenious and reasonable. His last chapter is devoted to a comparison between America and England, in the shape of an imaginary interlocution with an American gentleman, who is made to put the very straightforward question, 'Well, then, of what use is your Established Church?'

"It is infinitely useful," I replied, " in preserving the purity of religious doctrine, which ought to be the first consideration in every country; and it is useful in alliance with the state, in maintaining the purity of political practice ;—while in private life it is no less efficacious in giving confidence and uniformity to virtue, and true dignity

to manners.'

• Mr. Bristed maintains, that throughout the United States, pure 'evangelical religion is much more generally diffused', than within the pale of the English Church Establishment; that the standard of morals is higher, and that religious institutions are more numerous. See Bristed's "Thoughts on the Anglican and Anglo-American Churches."

My friend opened his eyes, stared, but said nothing. Although he looked quite incredulous, I went on.

"The Established Church, by its numbers, its wealth, and its discipline, has acquired great power. I do not speak of the churchmen only, you must understand, but include in the term that immense mass of the community, who, being as much in earnest as any churchmen can possibly be, co-operate with them, heart and hand, in preserving the Protestant religion in its purity. They are far too large a body, and too much scattered, to be influenced by any sudden wind of doctrine, and therefore they go on with a degree of regularity eminently conducive to right-mindedness in religious matters, not only as they are themselves affected, but as the whole community is affected. These influential members of the Church, indeed, are so thickly distributed, and as it were dovetailed into the framework of our social body, that society at large cannot move unless the Church goes along with it."

"Yes, that is all very well for your Church of England peopleBut what say the dissenters?"

"They are, in my opinion, nearly as much benefited by the Establishment as any other members of the community."

"How can that possibly be?"

In this way.

You will grant me that it is of great consequence to the dissenters, that religion should be steadily and powerfully encouraged, or, if I am not using a word too familiar for the occasion, should be made the permanent fashion of society; by which I mean, that it should not be allowed to descend from its proper station, or be considered in any light but as the first and most important of all our duties. Now, I conceive the influence of the Established Church applies here with great force, and affords as it were a defence to the general cause of religion, similar to what the ocean does to the Island in which we live. Besides which, the Church not only exhibits a magnificent example of religious doctrine, but furnishes a model of clerical manners and learning, which in practice-I beg you to observe most particularly-is tacitly admitted to be so eminently characteristic of the service of such a cause, that no sectarian has any chance of success, unless more or less he acquire the knowledge and adopt the habits of this great pattern. I can say with perfect truth, that after having seen a good deal of the world, I do not believe there is any other instance of so large a body of men, amongst whom there will be found such exemplary purity of manners and of conduct in all respects, as in that of our clergy. Exceptions will and must occur, as long as our nature is imperfect. But whether the character which I have ascribed to the clergy in general be caused by the nature of their duties, or spring from their interests, or be created and continued by long habit, such is the fact. Upon the whole, there is perhaps no greater blessing which England enjoys, than that of having so many men, whose conduct and attainments are undoubtedly far above the average, established as permanent residents all over the country."

"Yes," said he, "this looks very fine; but again I ask, what do the sectarians themselves say?'

"I do not know," I replied "what they say; but I believe I may venture to assert, that every sensible man amongst them knows right

VOL. II.-N.S.

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well, that if the Established Church were gone, they must go too. Any political tempest that should shake the Establishment, might, in the first instance, tear the sectarians to pieces. The sectarians, therefore, of every denomination, are very wise to accept, and are happy to enjoy, her noble shelter in the meantime. They have also, I am well convinced, much pride and pleasure in the companionship; for there must be at heart the deepest sympathy between them. They are rooted in one common earth, and although their altitude may, to appearance, be somewhat different, they all lift their heads to one common sky.”' Vol. III. p. 398–402.

After a little more mystification of a similar description, the worthy Captain thus expounds the advantage of an alliance between the Church and the State.

"It appears to me quite essential to the public good, that the government should be carried on upon those principles, and upon those only, which it is the sacred duty of the Church to enforce. If this be not granted, or if it be maintained, that any other maxims than those which spring from that source, can be permanently available in States, any more than in the case of individuals, my argument is at an end.

"While the Church, however, is firm as any rock to these vital principles, nothing, as we all know, can be more unstable than the will of kings, ministers, and people; and, therefore, it becomes essentially necessary to good government, that the Church-which is the only fixed body in the whole country-should be made at all times to possess a hearty interest in lending its aid, to steady its more powerful, but less consistent companions.

"To borrow one more illustration from the sea, I should say, that the Established Church may be compared to the rudder, and the country, with its multifarious arrangements of society, to the ship. Nothing on board,-below, or aloft,-tall masts, spreading sails, angry cannon, the ungovernable elements, or still more contentious crew, can be turned to proper account if the helm be neglected. So it is with the regular, almost unseen instrumentality of the Church in State affairs; and such is the mutual advantage between it and the country."

"But why place four-fifths of all the patronage in the hands of the Crown?"

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Because, unless the Church be thus made to have a strong interest in keeping the Executive powerful-which can be effected only by keeping it in the right-she would have no adequate and permanent motive to interfere with effect. On the other hand, the Government knows, that while without this co-operation it cannot long succeed,— with the Church cordially on its side, it is all powerful. The Crown, therefore, has a direct interest in maintaining the dignity and importance of the Church, by the judicious administration of its extensive patronage."

"If all this be sound political doctrine," said the American, “why not put the whole power at once into the hands of the Church, as it used to be in the golden days of Roman Catholicism?”

"Because," said I, "that would be giving two incompatible duties

to be performed by the same hands, the result of which incongruity 383 would be, that neither would be executed well. Clergymen make miserably bad governors of countries, and statesmen might prove fully as bad ministers of religion-at least the attempt to unite the two has always failed. Nevertheless, they do admirably either to co-operate or to check one another, according to circumstances. Religious and civil duties go well enough hand in hand, on equal terms; but if either is placed completely under the command of the other, both are sure to suffer." Vol. III. p. 405-407.

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The American Gentleman modestly replied to this profound harangue, by saying: At all events, you must allow that our 'system works very well here, without such an Establishment as 'you speak of. Our Author was silent',-hesitated,-was afraid to offend, and thus hints an insinuation which it would not have been convenient to render tangible. This proceeding is not very ingenuous, and will, we fear, give not less offence on the other side of the Atlantic, than a more direct charge. It is one thing, to defend and panegyrize our own Institutions; another thing, to depreciate those of our neighbours. Admitting, for argument's sake, that we in England are best circumstanced with an Established Church, it is quite possible that the Americans may do better without one.

Captain Hall's panegyric upon the Establishment, we shall not attempt to invalidate; but there are a few of his positions, respecting which we cannot maintain the courteous reserve of the American interlocutor. We hope that we shall not be denied all claim to the character of sensible men', when we hesitate to believe, that if the Established Church were gone, 'the sectarians must go too', or that they might be torn to pieces by the very first blasts of the political tempest that should but shake the Church. Such a representation receives no countenance certainly from history; and a Scotchman is one of the last persons from whom the assertion might have been expected to proceed. All this talk about the shelter and protection which the Establishment affords to the sects, is mere cant and twaddle. The fact is this. The Establishment, whether useful to the State or not, whether favourable to the advancement and purity of religion, or not, is closely interwoven with our social system,-so closely that no political tempest could tear it up, that should not at the same time subvert the State. And Dissenters have too large a stake in the welfare of the country, putting aside higher motives, to wish for a political tempest of any kind. The Established Church is a national property, a very large portion of which, though nominally ecclesiastical, is really secular, being in the hands of the laity, and totally alienated from the Church. Yet, from this very spoliation, the Establishment derives a firmer security, inasmuch as the aristo