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good and evil, looking upon, and with a nature holding of, both. But man still retained and is answerable for the exercise of his will. He is not brought into any necessity of choosing evil by all the natural conditions into which he is brought. We will to do evil; we are not by God constrained to do it. We seal to Adam's act of our own accord, and not of constraint. It is possible for man to stand girt around with all those natural evils and yet to be withoutsin. The man Christ Jesus hath so stood; and in so standing, he hath proved that it was no obligation of sinning bound by God upon our mortal nature—which were to make God the author of sin-but a new world of temptation introduced into the former world, which was of all temptation void. The world, by the first transgression, bath become the free stage for the controversy between good and evil; and man, who was made the ruler of the world, is the champion by whom the controversy is to be brought to rest for ever. If man can present to God what man was entrusted with,—His own spotless image, and the world free from sin-then man hath not only served his end of creation, but the higher end of defeating the powers of evil, which had thought to defeat and undo man. This, no doubt, was the ultimate end intended of God in the creation of man, for God doth not shift about or devise expedients. Our object must now be to trace out the development and attainment of that glorious purpose which God had in the creation of man. VI. Of the Source of a New Life and Blessedness to Mankind in the

Christ of God. From the consummation of the first transgression until now, man hath been in a state of death, according to the word of God; and the question ariseth, Is he not then done for ? will God revoke what with his mouth he hath once spoken? The answer is, God's wonderful ways with men are not exhausted in his creation : he made man for his image, and to be his lord : the devil hath interfered, and man hath yielded up the dominion to him, and is in bondage ; he is a sinner, and is under guilt; he is a betrayer of God's trust, and is morally dead. But there is mercy with God, as well as goodness; forgiveness, as well as justice; and grace, as well as judgment; and there is life out of death. All these have already been realized in the one act of Godhead preliminary to creation, wherein the Son maketh free sacrifice of his self-existence, becometh the Lamb slain, and out of death ariseth the Christ, or Anointed One, who receiveth gifts from God. His life as the Christ is all a life out of death, and his possessions as the Head of creation are all possessions purchased by his willingness to take upon him a derived life. Adam was the son of God, and to shew the holy submission of the son of God was he created : this refusing to do of his own will in one particular, he is now forced to do in all particulars, if he would see life and blessedness. For now, by his own guilt, he is concluded dead ; and in dying he manifests God's justice, in being willing to die he approves God's justice : but if he can be brought into the condition of putting himself to death, he doth then enact God's justice in the sublimest form; and is holy in the very highest sense,- holy at the expense of bis own life. Into this condition he is actually brought, and this is the standing of man as a sinner. The life of the Lamb slain, the fulness of the grace and mercy which is treasured up in Christ, is made known to him, and he is required to use it as a fountain-head of life welling out of death, and to use that new life in doing universally that which formerly he had refused to do particularly. Having now had his eyes opened to the guilt of sin, and being made acquainted with his own impotence, he is required to confess the guilt of sin, to feel the humility of a guilty creature, to cast himself upon the mercy of God, to receive life from the dead Lamb of God, and with that new life to make war upon himself and all his members, and upon the course of the world, and upon the devil; and justify God, yea, serve God, in putting them all to death ; and to receive grace for grace, and fulfil the God-head act of self-sacrifice, and be a witness of the glorious and eternal blessedness which out of that act is to come forth to the whole world. Thus, being a son, and for his sin having become an enemy, he is, through the grace which is in Christ, made a destroyer of his own enmity, and an heir of the eternal life which is contained in the Lamb slain from the foundation of the world. Moreover, this world to come is the very world which God beholdeth in Christ from all eternity, and which was really the first in the Divine purpose. For every thing seen as existent in the Christ, is seen as coming into existence through death. What we behold is not a creation destroyed, an idea of God marred or defeated ; but it is a creation growing into that stable form in which it existed from the beginning in the Divine idea. Sin hath disclosed to man the guilt of a sinner, and taught him the dependence of a creature, and declared the mercy and grace of God; but it hath not interfered with God's original design of bringing into being a creature which should come to its glory through the way of death, as Christ cometh to his glory through the same. He would have done, and could have done it without sin and suffering to man by the ordinance of the forbidden tree, which was in effect the same prostration of the creature ; but man would have the other way, of knowing good and evil, and he hath got it: but the end is plain, and the course of God is the same, and every defalcation in his creature only revealeth new funds of Divine excellency in the Creator ; and so we shall see it to be unto the end.



The same act which threw down the bulwarks of the Constitution, to enable Papists to enter the assembly of British Legislators, also transferred the ruling power from the king to the mob. The Tory ministers of the Crown did that which they had ever contended to be wrong, because they feared civil war. The Papists clamoured for that which their rulers thought it improper to grant them, but they obtained it nevertheless by their importunities : hence other people were instructed that they had only to tread in the steps of the Papists, in order to gain any object they pleased. The demagogues learned from the example of Mr. O'Connell the power of combination, and Political Unions have been the result. It is needless, therefore, for the Tories to charge the Whigs with having abandoned the government of the country, and given it up into the hands of lawless factions. The Whigs have indeed carried the principle still farther into action ; and they were the original advisers, and subsequent defenders, of the steps in which the Tories have trodden: but both parties are equally to blame: both seem equally conscious of it; for both are equally averse to acknowledge the original mischief, and charge the other with being the authors of it.

It is necessary to bear this point well and continually in mind, in every consideration of present political and ecclesiastical conditions ; and the necessity for reiterating it arises from there being so many parties interested in keeping it in the back ground. Many of the Religious Periodicals, for example, who are now the loudest in their clamours against the Reform Bill, were the most strenuous advocates of Popish Emancipation. Every writer who attempts to interpret the present state of the country without this measure for his pole star, is at sea without chart or com

he may make, amidst much blundering, a fortunate hit now and then, which will enable him to advance some way when blasts and currents are in his favour; but he has no means of steering in darkness against wind and tide, with a certain know. ledge of the result. The Christian Observer and the Record often contain well-written remarks on political occurrences ; but they want the only thing needful, a clear insight into the religious standing of the nation.

Having used the terms Whig and Tory, and wishing to look upon human events as God Himself would look upon them; as we should see them if we were fully informed with His mind,


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and by His Spirit, and as we shall be when the present heaven and earth have been rolled away as a scroll; it is perhaps requisite to define those terms. The constitution of this country was a mixed monarchy; that is, a government in which the subjects were united with the king in carrying on certain of its functions. Some persons would naturally have a bias to one part of this mixed form, and some to the opposite : some would lean chiefly to that part which was more immediately kingly; while some would incline to that which was more immediately popular: but the warmest admirer of the former never dreamed of making it absolute, to the exclusion of the popular ; nor did the most vehement partizan of the latter wish to exclude the monarch and convert the government into a republic. Thus the contests between the two parties were always confined to the special application to particular occasions of principles on which both were agreed, and between certain limits which neither imagined it possible to transgress.

Every body politic, every nation, every order of society, contains at its lowest base a certain number of persons abandoned to violent and lawless pursuits,-murderers, drunkards, idle, dissolute, revolutionists, disturbers of public peace, lovers of disorder and confusion, &c.—which it is equally the duty of all governments, under whatever form they may be constituted, to repress and keep down. The numbers of such persons may be greater or less at one period or another, arising principally from the ease with which mere animal enjoyments are procured. The moment these are interfered with, and the quantity of the food of such people diminished, they would betake themselves to plunder if it were not for the coercion of the government. With such persons, therefore, no rulers ought ever to parley : they are to be kept at arm’s-length, and to be ruled only by force. The amount and special application of that coercion is indeed a matter of discretion, on which different individuals will form different opinions; but never, until the present day, was it seen that men calling themselves, and executing the functions of, statesmen supposed it was possible to govern those classes by yielding to their clamours, by giving up a part of that whole which they demanded in order to coax them into permitting the remaining part of the public institutions to rest undisturbed. On all subjects there are certain points of which it is happily said in French, Cela va sans dire; points so obvious, that they are taken for granted. In arguing on a religious doctrine, for example, it is assumed that the antagonist believes in the inspiration of the Scriptures : in like manner, the incorruption of a judge, the courage of a soldier, the chastity of a woman, the truth of a man's word, are taken on both sides as unquestionable. Thus, in all questions of government, both Whig and Tory in England, Federalist and Anti-Federalist in America, Monarchist, Oligarchist, and Republican, have ever assumed that for a government to do any thing with revolutionary factions but keep them down by main force of some sort or other, was such a breach of all the first principles of self-preservation, such a violation of the ends for which all forms of government in civilized society are constituted, such treachery of the highest kind, high-treason against the very existence of the state, that it was never thought possible to be committed.

The Tories had the whole conduct of the war, from the breaking out of the French Revolution to its, termination at Waterloo. The Whigs foretold nothing but defeat and disaster. The continual victories with which, as Nelson said in his despatch giving an account of the battle of the Nile, “God had been pleased to bless his Majesty's arms,” were received with cold indifference, if not with something worse, by the Whigs: they found their predictions falsified, and felt the mortification of convicted false prophets : until, at the conclusion of the peace, from having been a very powerful party, they were reduced to absolute insignificance. Since both they and the revolutionists agreed in the point of censuring every act of the king's government, the Tories often unjustly charged them with being identified; but there is no reason to believe, and very good proof of the reverse, that up to the hour of their assuming the reins of government, in 1830, there was no real union between them.

It is not to be denied that the country was in a very disturbed state at that time; but it is foreign to the proper subject of these remarks, and also not calculated for this Journal, to discuss the cause of those disturbances, or the remedy for them. It is sufficient to shew that they had no connection whatever, direct or indirect, with the subject of Reform; and this on the best of all evidence, that of the Whigs themselves. So completely dead was the feeling of the country to the subject, that Lord John Russell, and others, assigned that deadness as the reason for not pressing the subject, a few years before they came into office, with the same ardour that they had formerly done. No sooner, however, had they come into office, than they bound up their own political existence, the word of the king, and the peace of the empire, with a particular Bill, called for the Reform of the representation of the House of Commons,' but virtually for the lodging of the whole power of the state, and consequently the government of the country, in an assembly of delegates of the people.

This bill was so unexpected by the most violent of the Whigs, that many of them refused to support it ; others declared that at its first announcement they were seized with a trembļing over their whole frames; while the Revolutionists, from one end of

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