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the country to the other, openly acknowledged, that, if carried, it would place power in their hands far beyond any measure which they had ever dreamed it possible to carry. One of the most able and consistent of this class, who had been for many years the intimate friend of Horne Tooke and Jeremy Bentham, who had been one of the principal movers in all the most violent election committees in Westminster, and who is the chief organ of the delegates from the operatives and political unions throughout Great Britain, declared, in the presence of the writer of this article, that the bill went much beyond any thing that he had ever heard discussed in the most furious meetings of the “ Friends of the People" and the “ Corresponding Societies” in the years 1794 and 1797 ; that in his opinion it would produce a far greater change in all the institutions of the land than was effected by the Reformation and the Revolution of 1688 combined ; that, though he had been one of the hottest arguers for ultra reform all his life, he could not contemplate the operations of this bill without terror. Cobbett, Carlile, Hunt, all the journals which advocate the conversion of this country into a republic, were clamorous in its favour. American writers, as well as French, all declared-some with joy, and some with regret, but all agreed in the factthat the bill ought to be entitled 'a Bill for the overthrow of the Monarchy of England, and its conversion into a Republic. But the most extraordinary feature of the transaction is, that by far the most powerful and eloquent arguments against the principles now advocated by the Ministers are to be found, not in the speeches and writings of their opponents, but in the works of these Ministers themselves. Lord John Russell, Lord Brougham; Lord Grey, Lord Melbourne, Lord Goderich, Mr. Charles Grant, Lord Palmerston, Sir James Macintosh, have all contended against the very principles which are now embodied in this bill.

The essentials of a monarchy, whether absolute or limited, consists in its being a government by prescription: the Bill sets aside all prescriptions. The necessary result is universal suffrage, and the abolition of all privileged classes. A national church has not a single argument to support it: there must be no prescription in creeds and formularies, any more than in other things. Thus, supposing that we did not perceive, either by the light of Revelation or political foresight, that the ruin of the country must follow this measure; nay,supposing we were amongst its greatest admirers ; still it is indisputable that this bill is but the first of a series of measures, whether these measures shall be characterised as wise or foolish. Besides, every one, who mixes at all in the society of Members of Parliament, knows that there is not one, among all the supporters of the measure, who has not in private expressed his alarm and dislike at it. To those amongst our readers who can descry all that is now going on in the fates of the anti-typical Tyre, we direct the following extract from the Times of 29th March, as a comment upon the words, “ Thy rowers have brought thee into deep waters.” Lord Grey has himself put the empire into such a state, that he must carry the Reform Bill, or be responsible for all but his country's irretrievable ruin.

We may talk and speculate for ever upon the causes that have led to our present situation, but no one has yet been able to offer a solution that is satisfactory even to him who has propounded it. Sir John Walsh, Frazer's Magazine, and the Quarterly Review, all avow their inability to solve the enigma. Nothing but a judicial infatuation at the hand of God will do it. No event in history accords so literally with the denunciations in Holy Writ against the land that has been most favoured of God, which are fulfilled at the Second Advent of the Lord.

The necessary downfall of the Church of Ireland, in consequence of the passing of this bill, has been honestly avowed by the Papists to be one of its chief recommendations in their eyes. The Bishop of Exeter, in a speech of extraordinary power and effect against it, shewed how this is necessarily brought about. When the army which had conquered Ireland, and kept it in subjection under Elizabeth, was withdrawn by James, he erected the Protestant corporations of the principal towns, as the necessary machinery by which Protestant ascendancy both political and ecclesiastical was to be maintained, and by which it has been maintained to the present day. This bill destroys these Protestant corporations : it therefore destroys the only machinery by which Protestant ascendancy has been maintained ; while it not only provides no substitute, but throws all power into the hands of the Papists.

The necessary ruin of the Church of England must arise also from the power to injure her conferred by this bill upon her enemies. It is said that she has survived the affections of the people ; which is no doubt true in a great degree ; and whatever regard for her remains, resides in the aristocracy, or in the agricultural population, while the whole strength of Dissent lies amongst the middling classes. Since, therefore, power is taken from the aristocracy, and not given to the lowest classes in the country, but given to all the lowest and middling classes in the towns, it is transferred from those who love to those who hate her: and it does not need the spirit of prophecy to foretel the issue.

While this course is pursuing by the Whigs, the Tories are in vain labouring to preserve the carcase in the forms and appearance of life after the spirit is fled. The country stood in its testimony for Jesus against the Popish, Greek, and Mohammedan apostasies. This citadel the Tories betrayed into the hands of the enemies of Jesus. “ They would have none of His ways, and He has left them to their own.” The constitution is gone, past remedy. The mere politician can perceive that the House of Commons must possess, after the passing of this bill, all the power of the country: and the revival of the inquiry into the tumult at Manchester twenty years ago, marks the inquisitorial tyranny under which the country will groan when governed by such a body. That tumult, and the circumstances which arose out of it, became the subject of two jury trials, and two trials at bar; all of which were decided against the rioters, and in favour of the magistrates, and of those employed under them. Yet a lawyer of great eminence, a judge, moreover an equity judge, Dr. Lushington, supported a motion for inquiry before a Committee of the House of Commons into the case which had been so completely sifted and settled in the courts of law; declaring also, that the first act of a reformed parliament would be to revive that subject. Thus the decisions of the courts of law, and of judges, will go for nothing, where they happen to be against the will of the mob; that is, whereever reason and impartiality decide against passion and prejudice. This tyranny will soon become so galling, that the people will joyfully rally round any military despot who will assume the controul over the House of Commons, and give them one tyrant instead of six hundred.

The Church in Ireland, in the mean time, is being stripped of the wealth in which she trusted, and which she has so much abused. Never was a greater abomination done beneath the sun, than has been committed by that Church. The pluralities; the consolidation of livings; the neglect of the poor; the ignorance among the clergy of the language of the country; the feeding themselves, and not the flock; the trafficking in the cure of souls; such money-changing and avarice as passes belief, &c. &c. &c., are all come up in remembrance before God, and He has delivered her into the hands of those that devour her flesh and burn her with fire.

It must not be forgotten, among the other extraordinary incidents which mark the progress of the Reform measure, that all the journals which have applauded it—whether professing to regard it, like the ministers, as a true reform, and not as a revolution, or whether looking upon it as subsidiary to the complete subversion of our institutions-are unanimous in declaring, as of an indisputable fact, that the whole power of the Government after the passing of the Bill will be vested in the House of Commons; and that no reference has been made to the House of Lords, or to the Crown, as capable of offering the smallest resistance to it.

Another feature in the case is not to be overlooked, which is, the motives which avowedly influence those who are the most active promoters of the measure. In every other revolution upon record, the motives which actuated the competitors on both sides were in themselves honourable, disinterested, and enobling : the love of liberty, the purity of religious faith, or attachment to the rightful sovereign, were the springs in contention for freedom, religion, and loyalty. None of these are in action in the present instance: there is nothing but a base, sordid, groveling, money-getting principle at work ; and the whole question with the reformers, is cheap government, a cheap army, cheap law, and cheap food.

It was in the year 1789 that the principle was adopted which led to the subversion of the oldest and most powerful monarchy in the world, whose ecclesiastical title was the “ Eldest Son of the Church :” forty years afterwards, in 1829, was a principle adopted in England which involves similar consequences in this country. In 1792 the King of France was dethroned: forty years afterwards, in 1832, a measure is about to be passed in England which will convert its monarchy into a republic. During

these forty years God has been calling upon England, as He did upon Nineveh, to repent and turn unto Him, by a greater number of messengers than at any former period since the Protestant nations were delivered out of the snares of Popery. Forty years long has He been vexed with this generation, which has not repented, as did Nineveh. Nay, worse: for at the end of this period does He find all the religious rulers of the people, all the pastors, alls the sanhedrim, combined to deny the kingdom of His Son, His incarnation in mortal flesh, and the ever-presence of His Spirit. As Judah was worse than Israel, Aholah than Aholibah, so is the Church of England worse than her Popish sister. The sister was smitten as an example and warning to England; but the latter has not profited, nor turned her feet from doing evil.

It is said in a literary journal, that "the devil is evidently patronized by the people ; for I beheld the walls covered with announcements of forthcoming plays, under the titles of Dominique, or, It is the Devil; Fra Diavolo; Robert the Devil; the Fiend Father; and several others." The catalogue might be extended much further, by such titles as The Bottle Imp; The Devil's Own; Olympic Devils; Mephistopheles in London. The booksellers’ shops abound with such publications as The Devil's Walk; the Devil's Visit; the Devil in search of a Wife; Satan, a Poem; and many others bearing similar titles.

While one part of the public mind has taken this direction, another part has shewn a very different bias, and not less worthy of observation. The highest talents of the graphic art, whether

in painting or engraving, have been long employed in such subjects as The Destruction of the Cities of the Plain, The Fall of Nineveh, Belshazzar's Feast, The Destruction of Pharaoh's Host, The Sixth Seal, The Last Trumpet, The Slaughter of the Valley of Jehoshaphat, The Deluge. Nor must it be forgotten that the dreadful scourge of the cholera, and the gift of unknown tongues, have been matters of ribaldry in caricatures, on the stage, and in ballads through the streets.

Any acute politician can perceive, and many have put forth , all the principles maintained in the preceding remarks, particularly the North-American and the English Quarterly Review, Fraser's and Blackwood's Magazines, the Duke of Newcastle, Sir John Walsh, Cobbett, &c. &c. Both Tories and Radicals are united in opinion of the necessary consequences of the Bill: the Whigs alone affect in public to doubt it, while their conversations in private betray that they also are of the same mind. Thus the sagacity of love, and the sagacity of hate; the penetration of hope, and the penetration of fear; the pride of loyalty, and the meanness of treachery; all conspire to prove the justice of our position, that by this Bill the monarchy of England is bona fide transformed into a republic : the representative of Christ is put down; and a representative of the mob will be set up in his room. Every one who will study his Bible, and believe the plain meaning of the words, can perceive the actual condition of this country described in it: if such persons love the institutions of the land, they will deeply deplore their foreseen destruction. But what are the feelings with which the Christian will view this subject?

It is, however, quite childish to discuss under the name of Reform the issue of the great principle now in collision : the question lies between a Monarchy and a Republic; and that is a question which was never yet decided but by an appeal to the sword. A monarchy which acknowledges that it holds of the Lord Jesus, the sole Monarch of heaven and of earth, is an ordinance of God, which He will defend ; but a Monarchy which renounces its dependance upon Him, and seeks for support upon human principles alone, wants its only true basis; since prescriptive rights, differences between and superiority of some over other men, will never be tolerated by those who are kept down : nor can they be justified by human beings having rights over others, nor on any principle, except that of being ordained, established, and upheld of God. This nation, like an individual who will not abide in Jesus, must be the


of every seducing and evil principle within, as well as of every assault of violence from without.

Some patriots are indeed left in the land, and some professors of religion ; but where is the man who is jealous for the glory

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