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stand the history of the colonies, | Court of Michigan. When that retheir unsuccessful efforts to establish markable tide of immigration so a general government, the wrongs rapidly turned the sparsely settled they suffered and mischief they fore- Territory of Michigan into a popuwould be a safe counselor in lous State, the spirit of western enthe interpretation of the Constitution terprise demanded a vast system of by which our sister States are held internal improvements. Accordingly together. No one who does not when the people formed the Constiknow of the controversies, differ- tution under which Michigan was,. ences, clashings of interest, and final in 1837, admitted into the Union, compromises, that took place in that they recommended therein an exremarkable convention, could safely tensive system of railroads and caundertake to interpret the instru- nals, to be constructed by the State at ment they finally adopted. In 1824, public expense. The legislature in in one of the most important causes carrying out this recommendation, ever decided by the Federal Su- burdened the people with a debt of preme Court, Chief Justice Marshall, millions; and after destroying public speaking for the court, held that the credit, stopped but little short of a power of Congress to regulate com- disgraceful repudiation. For all merce between the States was exclu- this burden and disgrace the State sive of State control, and that the had nothing to show, except some laws of New York granting a mounfinished railroads which were soon nopoly of steam navigation in the sold for a small portion of the money waters of that State were therefore expended on them. When the Conunconstitutional and void. With stitution of 1850 was adopted, the no precedent to guide him, the great people, still feeling keenly the burChief Justice drew the arguments den and disgrace brought upon them with which he sustained his position by these visionary schemes, provided almost wholly from the history of in the new instrument that the State the colonies, at and before the should in no manuer aid works of adoption of the Constitution. It was internal improvement. Thus the in the consideration of these great people of Michigan absolutely proconstitutional questions, untramuntram- hibited in 1850 that which they had meled by precedent, guided only recommended in 1837. Soon there by the history of the past, that Mar- occurred one of those unaccountable shall's pre-eminent abilities shone oscillations in popular judgment at their best. The concurring upon financial questions, to which opinion by Justice Johnson is based the American people seem to be almost entirely upon "the history of peculiarly subject. In 1869 the leg"the times," and upon "the general islature, yielding to popular demand, understanding of the whole Ameri- provided by a general law for the can people when the grant was granting of aid to railroads by the made." several municipal subdivisions of the State. Millions of debt had already been contracted by the cities and towns of Michigan, under this statute, when its constitutionality was

A good example of the value of local history in construing constitutional and statutory law may be found in a decision of the Supreme

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first presented to the Supreme Court | crees. The laws by which nations of the State in 1871.

That court, in an opinion delivered by Justice Cooley, held the law unconstitutional and void. It was urged that other States had construed a similar provision in their Constitution as prohibiting only the State as such from incurring debts in aid of such enterprises, while it left the subdivisions thereof free to give such aid as they saw fit, and pay the same by general taxation. In reply to this argument the learned Justice said, that whatever might be the just and proper construction of this provision when found in the Constitution of other States, whose history had been different, the public history of Michigan left no doubt that its people intended to deprive, not only the State as a whole, but its component parts as well, of the power to repeat the folly of the past. This decision has become a part of the history of the State, and has determined its policy ever since on the question of internal improvements. It is referred to here because the construction there given to an important constitutional provision is based solely upon the public history of the State, and the well known feeling of the people at the time of its adoption. Here then we find one of America's foremost constitutional lawyers recognizing and adopting the public history of a State as the best guide in the interpretation of its fundamental law.

When we reach the broader domain of International Law, we must rely wholly upon history for our precedents. Here there is no supreme power to prescribe rules of action; no court with jurisdiction to decide or power to enforce its de

are to be judged, in war or in peace, are to be learned only from the public history of the nations we call civilized; and the history of the intercourse of one nation with another is so intimately connected with the internal history of each, that no one can understand the former without some knowledge of the latter.

Much might be said on the value of history in solving the ever-recurring problems involving the security of life, liberty and property. All these questions have arisen and been answered in some way by every civilized people. The communistic and nihilistic tendencies of the present would seem to indicate that these problems have not been finally disposed of, and that the lawyer of the near future may be called upon to reconsider, and perhaps readjust them. In any discussion of these great questions, involving as they do the rights of all, the practical answers given to them by other nations, in other times, must always be of the highest importance.

It is perhaps needless to say that the study of history-to yield the benefits here indicated-must be something more than the daily conning of a given number of pages in a textbook. What the student needs to be taught is not the facts of history, but how to find them for himself. In no branch of study is it more important that the student should do the work himself than in history. No one would now attempt to teach chemistry and botany without requiring of the student practical work in the laboratory and the field. What the laboratory is to the student of chemistry, what the fields are to the student of botany,

the well furnished library is to the student of history. The text-book and the instructor are valuable as guides; but, after all, that which is most valuable is obtained only by the individual research of the student himself. In this research the student should be led as near as possible to the original sources from which the facts are to be ascertained. Our own national history furnishes a fertile field for investigation, and the ease with which its primary and secondary sources may be obtained, renders it peculiarly inviting. And may we not hope that at no very distant day, the archives of this Society may contain material for a comprehensive study of the history of our own commonwealth.

The range of history, like that of law, is limited only by the boundary that circumscribes the life of man. The historian deals with life as found entombed in the mute records of the past; the lawyer struggles with life governed by the passions, the prejudices, the hopes, and the fears of the present. Both alike, in reaching their conclusions, must tread upon uncertain ground, and remain content with proof far short of the absolute. Law stands foremost among the practical sciences, as an aid to history, and history in turn becomes the interpreter of law. As the lawyer gathers the facts of his case from the uncertain memories of living witnesses, as he draws his principles from the contradictory statements contained in his books, so the student of history must cross-examine his authors, probe their motives, estimate the influence of their prejudices, balance their testimony against that of others, and finally determine, by a preponderance of

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[IN TWO PARTS.—PART II.] The imagination of pleasant detail and accessory, which delights us by the intimacy into which we are brought with the artist's innermost conception; develops into what, among the masters of the fifteenth century, I should call the imagination of the fairy tale. A small number of scriptural and legendary stories lend themselves quite particularly to the development of such beautiful accessory, which soon becomes the paramount interest, and vests the whole with a totally new character: a romantic, childish charm, the charm of the improbable taken for granted, of the freedom to invent whatever one would like to see but cannot, the charm of the fairy story. From this unconscious altering of the value of certain Scripture tales arises a romantic treatment, which is naturally applied to all other stories, legends of saints, biographical accounts, Decameronian tales (Mr. Leyland possesses Botticelli's illustrations of the tale of Nastagio degli Onesti, the hero of Dryden's Theodore and Honoria, and our National Gallery a set of the story of Griseldis, attributed to Pinturicchio), and mythological episodes. Some of these have the

value of an episode of Boiardo or Spenser; others that of a mere old nurse's story; but they have all of them the charm of the fairy tale. There is, for instance, the story of a good young man (with a name for a fairy tale too, Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini), showing his adventures by land and sea and at many courts, the honors conferred on him by kings and emperors, and how at last he was made Pope, having begun as a mere poor scholar on a gray nag; all painted by Pinturicchio in the Cathedral library of Siena. There is the lamentable story of a bride and bridegroom, by Vittore Carpaccio: the stately, tall bride, St. Ursula, and the dear little foolish bridegroom, looking like her little brother; a story containing a great many incidents: the sending of an embassy to the king; the king being sorely puzzled in his mind, leaning his arm upon his bed and asking the queen's advice; the presence upon the palace steps of an ill-favored old lady, with a crutch and basket, suspiciously like the bad fairy who had been forgotten at the christening; the apparition of an angel to the princess, sleeping, with her crown neatly put away at the foot of the bed; the arrival of the big ship in foreign parts, with the bishop and clergy putting their heads out of the portholes and asking very earnestly, "Where are we?" and finally, a most fearful slaughter of the princess and her eleven thousand ladies-in-waiting. The same Carpaccio a regular old gossip from whom one would expect all the formulas, "and then he says to the king, Sacred Crown," "and then the Prince walks, walks, walks, walks,'

"A company of knights in armor nice and shining," "three comely ladies in a green meadow," and so forth, of the professional Italian story-teller-the same Carpaccio, who was also, and much more than the more solemn Bellini, the first Venetian to handle oil paints like Titian and Tintoret, painted the fairy tale of St. George, with quite the most dreadful dragon's walk, a piece of sea-sand embedded with bones and half-gnawed limbs, and crawled over by horrid insects, that any one could wish to see; and quite the most comical dragon, particularly when led out for execution among the minarets and cupolas and camels and turbans and cymbals of a kind of small Constantinople.

But the fairy tale, beyond all others, with these painters of the fifteenth century, is the antique myth. No Bibbienas and Bembos and Calvos have as yet indoctrinated them (as Raphael, alas! was indoctrinated), with the real spirit of classical times, teaching them that the essence of Antiquity was to have no essence at all; no Ariostos and Tassos have taught the world at large the real Ovidean conception, the monumental allegoric nature and tendency to vacant faces and sprawling, big-toed nudity of the heroes and goddesses, as Giulio Romano, and the Caracci so well understood to paint them. For all the humanists that hung about courts, the humanities had not penetrated much into the Italian people. The imaginative form and color was still purely medieval; and the artists of the early Renaissance had to work out their Ovidean stories for themselves, and work them out of their own material.

Hence the mythological creatures | æval warrior; the delicate Mercurius, a beautiful page-boy stripped of his emblazoned clothes; Luna_dragged along by two nymphs; and Venus, daintily poised on one foot on her dove-drawn chariot, the exquisite Venus in her clinging veils, conquering the world with the demure gravity and adorable primness of a highborn young abbess.

of these early painters are all, more or less, gods in exile, with that charm of a long residence in the Middle Ages which makes, for instance, the sweetheart of Ritter Tannhäuser SO infinitely more delightful than the paramour of Adonis; that charm which, when we meet it occasionally in literature, in parts of Spenser, for instance, or in a play like Peele's Arraignment of Paris, is so peculiarly rare.

The actual fairy story becomes, little by little, more complete-the painters of the fifteenth-century These early painters have made work, little guessing it, as the preup their Paganism for themselves, cursors of Walter Crane. The fullout of all pleasant things they knew; page illustration of a tale of semitheir fancy has brooded upon it; mediæval romance-of a romance and the very details that make us like Spenser's "Fairy Queen" or laugh, the details coming direct Mr. Morris's "Earthly Paradise," from the Middle Ages, the spirit in exists distinctly in that picture and glaring opposition occasionally to drawing, by the young Raphael or that of Antiquity, bring home to us whomsoever else, of Apollo and how completely this Pagan fairyland Marsyas. This piping Marsyas is a genuine reality to these men. seated by the tree stump, this naked We feel this in nearly all the Apollo, thin and hectic like an work of that sort-least, in the undressed archangel, standing most archæological, Mantegna's. against the Umbrian valley with its We see it beginning in the mere distant blue hills, its castellated single figures-the various drawings village, its delicate, thinly leaved of Orpheus, Orpheus le doux trees-things we know so well in menestrier jouant de flutes et de connection with the Madonna and musettes," as Villon called him Saints, that they seem absent for much about that time-piping or only a few minutes-all this is as fiddling among little toy animals little like Ovid as the triumphant out of a Nuremberg box; the draw- antique Galatea of Raphael is like ing of fauns carrying sheep, some Spensor. Again, there is Piero di with a queer look of the Good Cosimo's Death of Procris: the poor Shepherd about them, of Pinturic- young woman lying dead by the chio; and rising to such wonderful lake, with the little fishing town in exhibitions (to me, with their the distance, the swang sailing and obscure reminiscence of pageants, cranes strutting, and the dear young they always seem like ballets) as faun-no. Praxitelian god with Perugino's ceiling of the Cambio, invisible ears, still less the obscene where, among arabesqued constella- beast whom the late Renaissance tions, the gods of antiquity move copied from Antiquity-a most gravely along: the bearded knight gentle, furry, rustic creature, stoopMars, armed cap-à-pie like a medi-ing over her in puzzled pathetic

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