defence of Protestantism, and in execration of Spanish cruelty. He might plead the necessity of his official position to extenuate his printing the official proclamations of a de facto government, even though it were in rebellion against the Spanish monarch, but it is astounding that he should have published pamphlets against Granvelle or in defence of heresy. He strove to disguise his personal connection with some of these publications by issuing them under the name of his son-in-law, Raphelengien. He endeavored to escape detection by imposing an oath upon his workmen, to which they were obliged to put their signatures, in further assurance that they would not divulge the secrets of his printing-house. The energy with which he asserted in the correspondence that he maintained all the while with Arias Montanus, Secretary Cayas, and others at the Court of Spain, that he was acting under compulsion, and that he was still and ever had been the most devoted and loyal of Catholics, could hardly have satisfied the partisans of Spain. The special pleading was too palpable. Plantin, doubtless, was no traitor to Philip or to the Catholic cause; he was simply a dexterous tactician, who made the best possible terms for himself in circumstances of special difficulty, and who felt that his conduct required elaborate exculpation. We wonder with what patience Cayas read the windy metaphor by which (in October, 1579) he veiled and defended his line of action: "The storms which have gathered in the mountains have so swelled the torrents that they carry all before them, and threaten not only to destroy the

pastures and corn-fields, but to leave them strewn with so deep a deposit of sterile sand as shall make them permanently desert. It is hopeless to arrest their course directly. What will the wise engineer do under such condtions?" and he prolongs the well-worn simile through sentence after sentence of weary verbiage.

The motive for so many protestations and apologies is to be found in Plantin's hope of assistance from Philip in his pecuniary embarrassments. After repeated and fruitless application through others, he drew up a long and formal recitation of his "griefs" against the Spanish King. He asserted that he had been induced by the King's agents to enlarge the type and paper of the Polyglot at a great increase of cost; that the royal grants, nominally supplied in payment for the parchment of the King's copies, had really been expended in books and manuscripts, purchased by Arias for the library of the Escurial; that the stipulated payments for the Spanish Missals and Breviaries had not been duly made, and that in partial liquidation of this contract a hundred copies of the Polyglot had been returned upon his hands at retail prices; that expenses incurred in the extension of his plans to supply the King's commands had been suddenly thrown upon him, and that definite instructions for a fresh series, of publications, which were as suddenly countermanded, had involved him in ruinous losses. On these various items Plantin claimed over 23,000 florins, but he undertook to be content with whatever the King might be pleased to accord him. The state of his exchequer did not allow Philip

to meet such demands upon his purse, and years afterward Plantin's successors erased the royal debt as a hopelessly bad one from their ledger. Yet never did the man's nobler qualities shine out more conspicuously than at this period. He faced his difficulties with a stout heart. At a heavy sacrifice he sold his business in Paris to satisfy some of his creditors; he worked with untiring energy to reduce the claims of others. He commenced and carried out enterprises before which, at such a season, the boldest might have quailed. The year after the Spanish Fury he published a magnificent edition of the works of St. Augustine, in ten volumes folio, revised by the doctors of Louvain. This edition held for a full century the foremost rank, and was only surpassed by that of the Benedictines. Two years later, Jerome's works followed. His exertions were continued with unflagging energy until Parma besieged Antwerp, when he retired to Leyden. On his return in 1585 he found the stately city but a shadow of its former splendor. Amid the declining and fitful prosperity of its commerce Plantin passed the last four years of his life, sending forth, as opportunity offered, colossal publications. His last great work was the commencement of the Ecclesiastical Annals of Baronius, of which the first volume was not issued until after his death, July 1, 1589.

The picture afforded by Plantin's life and correspondence would be altogether imperfect without some glimpses of commercial and domestic life in the sixteenth century, which his papers reveal to us.

The portfolios of the Musée Plan

tin-Moretus cast abundant light upon the details of the three professions of printer, publisher, and bookseller, which Plantin followed simultaneously. Very few of the works which issued from his presses were printed at the expense of their authors; Plantin generally bore all the risk and monopolized all the profits. But if authors did not incur liability, they rarely enjoyed remuneration for their labor. When any payment was made, it was miserably inadequate. Only fourteen scholars, some of them of considerable celebrity, received more than ten florins for their works. The honorarium accorded to translators, editors, and annotators of foreign literature, was on the same meager scale. There were expenses to which the publisher of the sixteenth century was liable; a page from Plantin's Journal of 1565 will illustrate their character and amount:

"On the 11th of March I was at Brussels on the business of obtaining certain copyrights, and to secure the favor of Monsieur the Chancellor and other powerful persons." Then follows a detailed inventory of presents. "To the Chancellor, 4 Auvergne cheeses, worth 15 patards each; 8 baskets of plums and pears, at 3 patards each; and a Bible in 16mo, ruled and gilded." The Curé of St. Gudule receives 2 cheeses and 6 baskets of fruit, and a Bible of the same description as before, and a like gratification is bestowed on Mons. Hopper. Some other laymen have to be content with creature-comforts only, on a carefully graduated scale. Then follow what appear to be fees for the visitation, approbation, and privi

lege of various works: the whole outlay amounting to the substantial sum of 50 florins.

The mutual relations of capital and labor did not greatly differ from those which prevail among ourselves. The master spirit of the establishment under Plantin was his son-inlaw, Jean Moretus, and he presents his father-in-law with an amusing account. of the trouble caused him by the workmen. "They are as tiresome and ill-disposed as men can be. It seems they have learned from one another to make Mondays, and they will only work when they like. As to working well, it is only when you are at their elbow. In 1575, Moretus wished to present Plantin, as a new year's offering, with a Typifice, as he terms a volume containing the title-pages and engravings which had been issued by the firm, and he naturally wanted to get it finished by the end of the year, but he failed, and why?

"Because these rascals of printers would play; when only a leaf or two was wanting to complete the work. If I ask the reason why they have not been at work, I have directly the most outrageous an swers imaginable. One informs me that

he has been to hear the first mass of a printer who has been made a Canon. Another, that he has been with the Dean of the Painters' Guild, to restore order among the book-binders; a third, that he went to see a calf's entrails buried, and so forth. So that I would as lief have to do with any pack of humbugs as with them.

Twice a year-in Lent and Autumn-Frankfort was the gathering ground of a vast concourse of merchants from every quarter, and for nearly eighty years the firm of Plantin was represented at these fairs by its principals or their most confidential agents. In 1566, Plantin at

tended the Lenten fair, accompanied by his son-in-law, Jean Moretus. Plantin went by carriage from Antwerp to Cologne, and paid 4 florins 10 sous for his fare, and 3 florins in other expenses. Moretus walked the same distance-it is 150 miles— and speut 5 florins 15 sous on the road. During the fair their joint expenses amounted to 11 German florins, and the rent of their shop to 13 florins more. They returned by water to Cologne, and walked thence to Maastricht, whence they took the voiture to Antwerp. The entire cost of the Frankfort journey was about 57 florins, and this sum was more than doubled by adding to it the carriage of the bales of books, the export and import duties, the loading and landing charges, and pourboires. It should be added that despite his impending ruin in 1576, and the heavy sacrifices required to maintain his credit, he left a fortune equivalent to nearly 50,000Z.

A few details of domestic life will serve to bring out Plantin's character into strong and favorable relief. In reply to inquiries from Cayas he writes that he has five daughters, having lost his only son in childhood, whom he has trained to fear God, the King, and his magistrates, and also to assist their mother in her household duties:

"And because early childhood is too feeble in body for manual housework or business matters, I taught them at that time to write and read so well, that from the

each of the four first according to their age of 4 or 5 years up to 12 years old, age and position, has helped me to read the proofs from the printing-house, in whatever language or writing it was sent to at spare hours, and as leisure allowed, to be printed. And I have also taken pains have them taught to work with the needle upon linen. . . . with careful observation,

by degrees, to what each one specially inclined."

He proceeds to explain that Marguerite, the eldest, had displayed special capacity in writing, and had turned out one of the best pens in the country; but that weakness of sight had prevented her pursuing this accomplishment. She was given in marriage at eighteen years of age to Raphelengien, whose aid as a learned corrector of the press and coadjutor to Arias Montanus, was of singular value. The hand of the second daughter, Martine, was sought by Jean Moretus, "a young man expert and well instructed in Greek, Latin, Spanish, Italian, French, German and Flemish." "Thus I possess two second selfs; the first in the printing-house, for correcting the press; the second in the shop, for my accounts and com

merce.

From another paper we learn the particulars of Marguerite's wedding. On the eve of the marriage, June 22, 1565, Plantin entered into a legal contract with his son-in-law to supply a lit garni as well as the bride's trousseau, and to defray the cost of the wedding feast. If any of the bridegroom's friends gave a wedding present, the young couple were to have the benefit of it; but if any of Plantin's friends showed a like generosity, the bride's father was to deal with it as he pleased. Raphelengien promised to continue in his fatherin-law's service for three years, or until the edition of the Hebrew Bible was completed. Plantin, on his part, engaged to pay his son-inlaw a salary of 100 florins a year, besides his household expenses, which were estimated at 60 florins

more. Both parties undertook to give six months' notice before terminating the engagement. At the same time Plantin lent Raphelengien 33 florins, that he might "make a good figure" on the occasion. Toward this moment 64 yards of cloth were set down at 17 florins, a hat at 1 florin, and more than 9 florins for the bride's rings, leaving 54 florins in ready money. The loan was repaid from the presents of Raphelengien's friends, which amounted to 32 florins 5 sous. Plantin's guests contributed no less than 90 florins 16 sous. Shortly before the event, the bride's father had purchased a piece of Lille gros grain for the bride's dress and his own robe, and a piece of Lille serge for the promised bed. We are not informed how many of Raphelengien's friends were present, but M. Rooses gives the names of twentyeight citizens who were invited by the host, including the town clerk of Antwerp and the Bomberghes and Schotti, his trade partners in 1568. The menu of the wedding feast was sufficiently substantial. It comprises 3 sucking-pigs, 6 capons, 12 pigeons, 12 quails, 5 legs of mutton and 3 more en brun pâte, 12 sweetbreads, 3 tongues, 6 veal pies and 6 hams. Besides these there were served cherries, guignes, strawberries, oranges, capers, olives, salad and radishes. The confectionery included masspains, sugar-plums, aniseed, and Milanese cheese. Wine was consumed to the value of 12 florins 5 sous for Rhenish, and 4 florins 24 sous for red wine, without reckoning 7 florins for a pot de vin given to the workmen. The festivities were prolonged for several days, and even

from the till for the wedding expenses.

Raphelengien remained for ten years under Plantin's roof, and so valuable were his services, that his annual stipend was increased on several occasions until, in 1581, it stood at 400 florins. How simply a man with so ample an income was satisfied to lodge is curiously revealed in a petition from Plantin to the municipal authorities, for exemption from having soldiers billeted upon him at a house which he held in the Rue du Faucon. "The place," he says, "is used as a warehouse, and never has any empty space in it for three days together, except a small low sleeping closet, about 12 feet wide by 16 feet long. This contains two beds, which fill almost the entire chamber, in which there sleep my son-in-law Rapheleugien, with his wife and three of their children, and their chambermaid." This was in 1575; a few months later Plantin conveyed to Raphelengien for 300 florins one of the small dwellings which, until a few years ago, disfigured so picturesquely the western front of Antwerp

Cathedral.

Catharine, the third daughter, was hardly as fortunate as her elder sisters. She went to live with her husband, Jean Gassen, in the family of his uncle at Paris, and shortly afterward her father was grieved to learn that the young couple did nct comport themselves to the satisfaction of their host. Forthwith he addressed each of them in letters of appalling health. It appears that It appears that Catharine had carried her audacity to the pitch of refusing to fulfill the duties of a chambermaid, on the

vants to do the work without her, and her father has the most vehement distress of heart to hear of behavior so entirely contrary to the will of God, his own wishes, and the proper order of things. order of things. He tells her with unsparing candor, that despite an apparently cheerful and cordial manner, he knows that she is only too disposed to imagine that she ought to be listened to, and that she would have authority to talk, chatter, babble, and even upbraid, as is the detestable custom of too many.

"I would remind you that as long as I could possibly do so, I used to arise be times and to employ myself at anything, without setting myself above any one, and gree than the very least of my servants or I never thought myself of any other dechamber women. Neither you nor your husband are made of different flesh from the most abject people in the world. Nor is she even to think herself the equal of their father's roof and heiresses of his estate.'

the daughters of the house, who are under

And so the merciless pen runs on

through nine long pages of printed

matter. It is not a little remarkable is not a single reference to confesthat throughout these letters there sion or priestly counsel, to Virgin or which the Roman Church would saints, or any other means of grace commend.-The Quarterly Review. [CONCLUDED.]

THE CONQUEST OF BURMA.

The sudden expedition to Upper Burma at the end of 1885, the feeble and ineffectual defence offered to General Prendergast's bold yet skillful advance by a Government which up to the last haughtily. re