the immediate advantage of a particular | fault of their Lordships. It was the only The Marquess of Lansdowne said, that if there was any reason to apprehend that the interests of the Crown, or of the Duke of Cornwall when in esse, were injuriously dealt with in this bill, their lordships would do right to pause before they passed it. But he believed, that there was not the slightest danger of this kind, the Crown being amply indemnified upon an average of the net receipts of the last ten years. With respect to the imposition of 19,000l. a-year upon the consolidated fund, he thought it very well applied as a substitute for two taxes very odious in character, and very detrimental in their effects-the one a local tax regarding Cornwall, the other a general tax affecting the whole community, and tending naturally to keep up the price of an article of very common use. He urged their lordships, therefore, not to refuse a remission of taxation which the House of Commons had almost unanimously acquiesced in, and which was looked forward to with confidence by all the commercial interests affected by it. Bill read a second time. course left open to them to take. The returns would show the times at which the different bills were sent up. He found, that during the present year there had been 103 bills sent up. Fifty-eight of these had been sent up within the last six weeks, or rather up to the 8th of August, for several had been since brought up. During the whole of the preceding part of the Session there had been only forty-five sent up. The blame did not rest with their Lordships, nor so much, indeed, with the other House. When he recollected the number of days upon which there was no House formed, it occurred to him, that, perhaps, the Government might have an object in keeping bills back till a late period of the Session, in order to give themselves the opportunity of making a charge against their Lordships for either rejecting or postponing them. The noble Marquess concluded by moving for a return of the number of bills brought up from the House of Commons during the present Session, distinguishing the months and the number brought up in each. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.] The Marquess of Salisbury said, that as a motion had been made in the other House of Parliament for a return of the number of bills rejected by their Lordships, the only object of which would be to cast a slur upon their Lordships, it became their duty to show, that they had not been unduly negligent or precipitate in the examination of those measures which had been submitted to them for consideration. Their Lordships, it was true, had very few opportunities of properly considering the bills which were sent up to them from the Commons. It was perfectly notorious, that most of the Commons' bills required their Lordships' serious attention, if it were only for the purpose of carrying into effect the intentions of the framers. The public unfortunately suffered the greatest inconvenience in consequence of the postponement till next Session of measures of great importance. That was not the Viscount Melbourne did not believe, that the motion which had been made in the other House was made with the view or intention of casting any slur or imputation upon their Lordships. The mere rejection of a number of bills was nothing in itself; the question was, whether they were wisely rejected or not. He entirely denied, upon the part of the Government, that there was any intention to take advantage of their Lordships, by bringing in bills at a late period of the Session. The delay was altogether unavoidable, and arose from a variety of causes-from the nature of the business, from the nature of the constitution, and of popular assemblies, and chiefly from the great increase of business which had taken place within the last few years. Then came the great party battles of the Session, which were generally fought within the last weeks. These necessarily absorbed and arrested all attention, and business became suspended until it was decided who the Government was to be. The Earl of Wicklow observed, that the return moved for in the other House was not for the bills which had been brought up, but for those which had been rejected. Coupling that with various other little circumstances, it was easy to collect what the animus was which influenced the mover of that return. So far, however, from such a return implying any censure upon their Lordships, in his opinion, there was nothing which was likely to confer upon them greater credit. He thought it was likely to reflect the greatest credit upon their Lordships for their watchfulness and attention to public business, and he was convinced, that Members of the House of Commons would not so readily agree to many of the bills, if they were not sure that they would receive attention and consideration from their Lordships. During his experience, the practice had been very much the same, and he did not blame the present Government for it. Being in a minority in their Lordships' House, it was, perhaps, natural, that they should wish to obtain the sanction of the other House for their bills, before they sent them up to their Lordships. Motion agreed to. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT.] The Lord Chancellor moved the further consideration of the amendments of the Commons to this Bill. Lord Brougham considered, it would be a very great hardship, if debtors, confined on mesne process, were to suffer a continuation of their imprisonment until the judges had drawn up the rules and orders, the day of liberation, as fixed by the bill as it now stood, being the 1st of December. Now, those rules and orders applied to writs of execution only, and he thought it would be highly desirable, looking to the immense number of persons in confinement who had expected to be liberated on the 1st of October, that they should make an amendment on the Commons' amendment, fixing the latter as the day the Act should come into operation; or, if necessary, to introduce a short bill to effect that object, which might, by suspending the standing orders, be passed within the short period that remained of the present Session. With respect also to the advertisement clause, by which it was enacted, that three shillings only should be paid for advertising the schedules of insolvents in the country newspapers-this was fraught with monstrous injustice. He had received numerous communications from various parts of the country, from persons interested in this, certainly not the least respectable portion of that department of literature, which conveyed important intelligence and information to the public, in which it was stated, that this clause would be actually ruinous, from the number of advertisements which would necessarily flow in, in consequence of the Act coming into operation, to the journals in which these parties were interested. Lord Lyndhurst said, if a second bill were necessary for the first object his noble and learned friend had in view, could he not introduce a clause into it with respect to the advertisements? The Lord Chancellor begged to remind his noble and learned Friend, that the price of the advertisement was the same as had existed for a great number of years, though he admitted, under somewhat dif ferent circumstances. But, inasmuch as the bill would not come into operation for some time, he thought the inconvenience that would arise would be but trifling as regarded the interval which would elapse between the period of the Act coming into operation and the next Session of Parliament, at the earliest period of which he should be prepared to bring in a bill to amend the Act in this respect. With regard to that part of the bill which the Commons had amended, as to the period at which the Act should come into operation, as founded upon the rules and orders to be made by the judges, he did not think a new bill was necessary on that ground, because he did not see why the Act, as regarded proceedings on mesne process, should not come into operation anteriorly to the rules and orders of the judges with respect to the judgment writs. He should therefore propose to fix the dates for the act coming into operation for the 1st October, as the bill originally stood. The effect of that amendment would be to let those out of custody on that day who were confined on mesne process which would be a great object to attain. Amendments of the Commons, with a verbal amendment agreed to. Lord Lyndhurst was glad to hear that his noble and learned Friend (the Lord Chancellor) would bring in a bill early next session to amend the advertisement clause. Lord Brougham: but the mischief would be done in the meantime. On the act coming into operation there would be from three to four thousand persons who would immediately apply to the Insolvent Court for their liberation, and the advertising their schedules at three shillings each would be ruinous to those newspapers in which they must of necessity 1175 tures were read. Commercial {LORDS} Lordships heard what that was, they would see the necessity which existed for not pressing the measure forward. That point related to religious instruction. His feel ing was, that every plan of national education should embrace religious instruction, and that as a part of the system the reading of the authorised version of the Scriptures should be introduced. On that point, he found some scruples were entertained by conscientious Roman Catholics. Their objection, however, could be met by the insertion of a clause, declaring that Roman Catholics and Jews should not be compelled to be present when the ScripWith such a clause as that, he entertained hardly a fear that the bill would be approved of, for he had witnessed much liberality of feeling amongst the English Roman Catholics and the Jews. Another point of objection rested on the same principle. It related to teaching the church catechism, and the thirty-nine articles. Now, he meant that, to meet this objection, it should be distinctly provided, that Jews and Roman Catholics should not be compelled to be present when the catechism and the thirtynine articles were expounded. He wished, throughout his measure, and those with whom he had had communication participated in the sentiment, strictly to adhere to the wise and benevolent maxim-in essentialibus, unitas; in non-essentialibus, libertas; et in omnibus, caritas. Bill postponed. much impaired by the injuries inflicted on our It was not his intention, in presenting Lord COMMERCIAL RELATIONS.] Lyndhurst rose, pursuant to notice, to present a petition from Glasgow, signed by nearly 600 persons, complaining of the depressed state of our foreign trade at the He was informed by present moment. individuals who were perfectly acquainted with the fact, that the petition spoke the sentiments of the most respectable, wealthy, and intelligent bankers, merchants, and manufacturers of that great city; and, with their Lordships' permission, he would read one or two passages from it. petitioners said "We again have to approach your Lordships' honourable House (they had a year or two since petitioned the House on the same subject) to express the anxiety and alarm with which we view the distressed condition of our foreign trade. From time immemorial, this country has been unrivalled in mercantile greatness; but that greatness has latterly been decrease of on the export of cottons of 8,746,7921. If they referred again to another staple manufacture, that of woollens, the exports in 1837 amounted to 7,535,0647.; while last year the exports only amounted to 4,680,2477., making a decrease of 2,854,8177. In our linen was a decrease of manufacture there 1,000,000l. on the exports of last year as compared with 1837. On the exports of all nations. They were only to be subject to such small duties as were necessary to maintain the navigation. It was not only the waters of those rivers, but also all the transit through those rivers, embracing a trade very important to this country, that were declared free to all nations. But what had taken place? In consequence of the subjugation of Poland, the provisions of the treaty of Vienna had been The silk the decrease was 335,8531., and on hardware and cutlery 415,3497. The only article on which he found an increase was cotton yarn, in which there was an increase of upwards of 1,300,000l. Now, the petitioners desired him to call the attention of their Lordships to the circumstances connected with this extraordinary decrease of trade, and the first point to which he would direct their notice was the new Prussian commercial system. Every-distinctly and directly violated. body acquainted with that proceeding Russian tariff, and all the vexations which knew, and their Lordships knew well, the accompanied it, had been established in great difficulties which Prussia had to the districts which those rivers traversed, encounter in bringing the different states and serious impediments had been opposed of Germany to accede to that agreement. in consequence to the progress of the And, in his opinion, a very little diplo- commerce of England. Another point to matic skill, and a little activity on the which he wished to call the attention of part of the Government of this country the Government and of their Lordships (that was, of the noble Lord the Secretary House related to Cracow. Cracow, as their of State for Foreign Affairs), would easily, Lordships all knew, was situate on the availing himself of that dissatisfaction Vistula, and the integrity of that city and which the conduct of Prussia had excited, of its territory was guaranteed by the have defeated and rendered impracticable treaty of Vienna. Cracow, from its situathe object which Prussia had in view. tion, had of late years become a very exSuch, however, was the indifference on tensive and a very important emporium. the part of her Majesty's Government, A great deal of trade with this country that the states, one after another, were had been done through the residents at persuaded or forced into that commercial Cracow. It was stipulated by the treaty league. This had produced the most of Vienna, that no armed force, under any dangerous results to our trade with central pretence whatever, should enter into the Germany. Not only did it occasion a de- territory of that republic. On some precrease of the exports of this country, but tence, no matter what, an armed force had manufacturing establishments had started entered it, had remodelled the police and up in central Germany; and, in conse- constitution of that republic, and had quence of the cheapness of labour, the completely new-modelled its trade. It, advantage of water-power, and the assist- therefore, became desirable that this ance of machinery exported from this country should have a commercial agent country, they were now enabled not only at Cracow, to exercise vigilance over its to supply their own wants, but to contend commercial interests. That was reprewith us, and to contend successfully, even sented, as he had been informed, to the with reference to our great staple commo- noble Lord at the head of the Foreign dity, in the foreign markets. In the office. That noble Lord declared, that the United States of America, which was appointment of such an agent should take always considered our own especial market, place without delay. To that declaration the cottons of Germany, and the hard- he pledged his faith, his reputation, and his ware of Germany could now be purchased character. Some representation, however, at a lower price than similar articles the was made to that noble Lord from some manufacture of this country. He repeated, quarters, that a consular agent from this that it was clear to him, that a little country would not be allowed to establish activity and the exercise of a little diplo-himself in that district. The noble Lord matic skill on the part of the noble Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs would have defeated the plan of Prussia, and prevented all this mischief. Another point connected with this subject, and one of no small importance, too, was this that by the treaty of Vienna the rivers of Poland were to be free to the commerce of succumbed to that representation, and did not make the appointment, to which he had pledged his faith, his reputation, and his character. Had the noble Lord stated any reason for not making it! No; he had stated no reason. He merely said that he had altered his mind, and that he would not establish a consular agent within 1179 Commercial {LORDS} 400.0001. due to British merchants for the limits of that republic. Our commer- vent the continuance of those extortions? Efforts might have been made, but nothing effectual rad been done to stop the Dutch Government in its course of violation of this reaty. Such was the respect paid to our Government m the continent of Eurome! Such was the respect paid by FRAOTIANCA 3" le her venner wreign Governments to treaties in which we were concerned with them! Again, We had formerly carried on an important mem o Lure. but tus wa mi trate with Lyen, prancing a very conamal. part of the case her is mat u bring under the notis of Parliament une vene. The French were now 1 pson of all the distret of Algiers. a treaty which he had made some years The noble ago with the French, we were entitled u Our mata viti Agers frmerly was only carry on a trade in gum on the banks of lab II & bar i per cent. the Senegal. Two of our vessels, laden, Lord who emiturted our foreign with gum, had been seized and confis affairs hat feared, that he was satisfied cated by the French on the most un- with seem as the possession of founded pretences. What had happened? Algiers. Now, smce that event had taken Our Government demanded redress? Had place a great part of our trade with Algiers redress been granted? Two years had had been placed under absolute prohibielapsed since that demand was made, and tion, whilst the remainder had been renup to the present moment nothing had dered subject to the high tarit of France, been done. Delay in such a case was a which had almost animated it. Again, dental of justice, and not only a denial of we had carried on for several years a justice, but also the destruction of our traffic with the natives on the east coast trade. And for this reason, that whilst of the Black Sea-a traffic which had our trade was liable to such interruptions, given rise to a transit trade of very high no cautious man would hazard his capital importance? What had happened reby embarking in it. The result was, that cently? That trade bad been prohibited we had been driven entirely from all par- by Russia. The noble Lord at the head ticipation in the gum trade on the Senegal. of the Foreign Department had acquiesced He was stating facts shortly: he had not in and consented to that prohibition. stated them with circumstances, and he Another point, perhaps of still greater imleft it to their tardships to judge of the portance than any to which he bad hitherto consequences likely to follow from them. adverted, was the position of Persia, a We had also a treaty with Holland as to position of infinite importance to England, both in a political and in a commercial our trade with Java-a treaty most precise in its language and its terms. Cer-point of view. What had happened there? tain duties were to be imposed on British What had led to the loss of our influence goods imported in British bottoms. The with the Schah, to the insults which had duties were to be double the duties im- been heaped upon our envoy, and to the posed on goods imported from Holland in influence of Russia, not only superseding Dutch vessels; and in case the vessels ours, but actually directing at once the from Holland imported goods from Hol- councils and the armies of Persia? At the land not paying any duty, we were to pay present moment we were in a state little 6 per cent. on similar goods imported into short of war with Persia. We had been Java from this country. What had taken compelled to fit out a fleet to resist the place in Java? The treaty had been aggressions of Persia-a country in which disregarded. Duties to an extravagant it was most important that we should amount had been extorted from British possess an influence, not only because it merchants. Nearly 40,0007, a-year had was a barrier of defence in front of our been forced out of their pockets. This Indian possessions, but also because it was for years, and most advantageous to us in a commercial gyetem had been come was now point of view. What had led to the pre |