the opportunity of sending to Rome what was in fact a letter of introduction as it respected them, a tender of his own humble service to the pope, and a request that his Holiness would lend him some books, in order that he might have them copied for the library of his monastery. From the part of the letter which relates to this latter point,† it appears, in the first place, that Lupus says nothing about "all France;" though here, I confess, that Robertson seems to have been misled by Muratori, who, after quoting a part of the letter, says, "Hæc Lupus, in cujus verbis non solum animadvertere possumus codicum raritatem, quum supra memoratos universa Gallia suppeditare Lupo non posset, iique in tam remota regione quærendi essent, sed, &c," Lupus, however, only says, of certain works of Cicero and Quintilian, "we have parts, but desire through you to obtain the whole;" and by "we," he obviously meant his own monastery. Why Robertson did not mention that the request included Donatus on Terence, I do not know; but what he says of "all France"-though obviously a very exaggerated translation of nostris regionibus, considering the state of things in those days-applies not to the books which Robertson mentions, but to the Commentaries of Jerome on Jeremiah, from the sixth book to the end.

Now as to the abbot's not having a complete copy of these books of Cicero and Quintilian, and his preferring, as he had so good an opportunity, to borrow a volume of no great bulk which he knew to contain all that he wanted from Rome, to sending about in his own country, even if that had been equally easy, or even practicable; and indeed, generally, as to the sort of halfcontraband trade which was carried on about the classics by the more learned ecclesiastics of those days-as to this point, which is not uninteresting when viewed in connexion with our subject, I hope to speak more fully elsewhere; here it is only worth while to notice that, according to the Abbot Lupus, the commentaries of Jerome on Jeremiah, from the sixth book to the end, were not to be found "in regionibus nostris ;" and whether we interpret this to mean what a modern reader would understand by "all France," or restrict it to more reasonable limits, it was still a very

* "Cæterum quia parentes thesaurizare debent filiis, ut doctor gentium manifestat, nosque vobis obsequentissimi filii esse cupimus, commentarios beati Hieronymi in Hieremiam, post sextum librum usque in finem prædicti prophetæ per eosdem fratres nobis mitti deposcimus in codice reverendæ veritatis, vestræ sanctitati, si id obtinuerimus, postquam celeriter exscriptus fuerit sine dubio remittendos. Nam in nostris regionibus nusquam ullus post sextum commentarium potuit inveniri; et optamus in vobis recuperare quicquid parvitati nostræ deesse sentimus. Petimus etiam Tullium de Oratore et XII libros Institutionum Oratoriarum Quintiliani, qui uno, nec ingenti, volumine continentur: quorum utriusque auctorum partes habemus, verum plenitudinem per vos desideramus obtinere. Pari intentione Donati Commentum in Terentium flagitamus. Quæ auctorum opera si vestra liberalitas nobis largita fuerit, Deo annuente, cum memorato Sancti Hieronymi codice, fideliter omnino restituenda curabimus."-Ep. 103, edit. Baluz., p. 155.

broad assertion. Might not the abbot be mistaken as to the With all due respect for the Abbot of Ferrieres, and on some grounds he deserved not a little, are we bound to believe that he knew of all the books "in regionibus nostris," whatever we may suppose that phrase to mean? Robertson elsewhere says, "Many proofs occur in history of the little intercourse between nations during the middle ages;" and it is rather a singular coincidence that he states in proof of this, "Even so late as the beginning of the twelfth century, the monks of Ferrieres, in the diocese of Sens, did not know that there was such a city as Tournay in Flanders; and the monks of St. Martin, of Tournay, were equally unacquainted with the situation of Ferrieres. A transaction in which they were both concerned made it necessary for them to have some intercourse. The mutual interest of both monasteries prompted each to find out the situation of the other. After a long search, which is particularly described, the discovery was made by accident. Herimannus Abbas de Restauratione St. Martini Tornacensis ap. Dach. Spicel. vol. xii., p. 400." am induced to make this extract, not only because it states what is, under proper and reasonable limitations, an acknowledged truth, and one which it is very necessary to bear in mind, but because it incidentally furnishes another instance of what I hope it is true, as well as charitable, to call the extreme carelessness with which Robertson quoted. No doubt monks situated at places as far distant, and as little connected, as Ferrieres and Tournay were not likely to know much about each other; but the view which Robertson gives of the matter is quite erroneous. It would occupy too much space to shew this in detail; but I must just observe, that so far from its appearing that the monks of Ferrieres did not know that there was such a city as Tournay, (which is indeed a supposition altogether absurd, especially as the conversation between the two monks which brought about an understanding and intercourse between the monasteries took place at Courtray, and he of Ferrieres must have passed comparatively near to Tournay to get there, as anybody may see by the map), it is perfectly clear, from Heriman's account, that they did know of the existence of Tournay; and that the place which they did not know, and could not find, was a certain monastery of St. Martin, at Tournay. They had in their possession old documents relating to it, but of the place itself they could learn nothing— and why? simply because there was no such place; it had ceased to exist for some centuries, insomuch that some, perhaps most people, disputed whether it had ever existed at all. The monks of Ferrieres had no interest (but rather the contrary) in

finding out the place, but they had some curiosity on the subject; and when one of them accidentally met with a monk, who told him that he belonged to the monastery of St. Martin, at Tournay, he was surprised, and asked him where in the world it was, for they had never been able to find it. It did not appear strange to the monk of Tournay (and it will not seem strange to any reflecting person) that the monks of Ferrieres should not have heard how Master Odo and his clerks had settled down on the old foundation, (like Bonus and his uncle at Pisa,) and dragged on about twenty years of miserable poverty and obscurity, in founding what afterwards became most eminently a "monastery of considerable note," and therefore he answered that it was quite a recent foundation; and he seems not to have known, or not to have cared, about its claim to antiquity, or to have made any farther inquiries when the monk of Ferrieres told him that they had documents relating to its former existence. When, however, he returned, and related to his brethren what he had heard, they lost no time in sending to Courtray for farther information; but the monk of Ferrieres was gone, and certainly they did not know how to follow him. How Heriman hunted for the abbot, and found him at the council of Rheims, and how he followed him, by his direction, to Ferrieres, and then found that he had changed his mind as to parting with the documents, or giving information on the subject, from fear, as it seemed, of giving offence to one or more of his neighbours, by setting on foot a claim to property which was supposed to belong to St. Martin's, at Tournay, but which had got into other hands; these, and many curious and interesting particulars, the reader may find in Heriman's own account of the matter to which Robertson refers, but they would be out of place here. I quote the statement, as I have already said, not to question so notorious a fact as that intercourse between distant places was comparatively small at that period, and attended with difficulties unknown in these days, but to shew the carelessness with which Robertson quoted, and the inconsistency with which he argued. If the monks of Ferrieres in the twelfth century did not know that there was such a city as Tournay, are we to suppose that an abbot of Ferrieres, more than two centuries and a half before, was competent to say that any given book was not to be found in all France? Might not a copy of "Jerome's Commentaries on Jeremiah" lurk somewhere in regionibus nostris unknown to Abbot Lupus? I am not playing the sceptic or the advocate. I feel authorized to throw out this doubt, because I hope to shew, in its proper place, that there actually was, during the life of Abbot Lupus, a copy of that work in the library of the monastery of St. Riquier, near Abbeville; and, though I do not at present recollect another, yet I should be much surprised to find that it was the only one in France.

VOL. VII.-June, 1835.

4 N

My own feelings with regard to this letter of Lupus are much like those expressed by Fleury respecting another of his epistles. After having said, that "Dans un autre lettre il prie un ami de lui apporter les guerres de Catilina et le Jugurtha de Salluste, et les Verrines de Ciceron," he adds, "C'est la curiosité de ces sàvans abbez, et le travail de leur moines, qui nous ont conservé les livres de la bonne antiquité ecclesiastique et prophane."* Indeed, when Robertson had Muratori before him, and adopted that part of his remarks on Lupus which I have already extracted, I wish he had also attended to what Muratori proceeded to say. After remarking on the scarcity of books, in the terms which I have quoted, and on the assurance of the abbot in asking that such treasures should be exposed to the perils of such a journey, Muratori says, "Potius tamen hinc discendum nobis, quamplurimas iis ipsis monachis habendas esse gratias, quum ferme eorum tantummodo cura, quidquid librorum veterum superest, nos habeamus; et majores quidem nostros excusatione dignos, si plura in literis excolendis non præstitere; nos vero indignos, qui in tanta librorum copia adhuc desides et indocti esse pergimus."+

Tom. x. p. 609.

+ [The following passages from the letters of Gerbert, afterwards created pope in A. D. 998, by the name of Silvester II., may afford some confirmation and illustration to the very interesting and valuable paper in the text. He was Abbot of Bobbio during part of the time when they were written. In his 130th letter, to Rainald, a monk, written long before his elevation, he says, " I entreat you to render me one service, which you can do without danger or injury to yourself, and which will bind me most closely to you. You know with what zeal I seek for copies of books from all quarters; and you know how many writers there are everywhere, both in the cities and the country parts of Italy. I entreat you then, that, without any other persons knowing it, and at your own cost, transcripts be made for me of M. Manilius de Astrologia, Victorinus de Rhetorica, Demosthenes Ophthalmicus." (This is explained by another letter.) "I promise you most faithfully that this kind service shall be kept in sacred secresy, and that whatever you lay out I will pay you to the full, according to your accounts, and whenever you require it.' In letter 123 he writes to Thietmar of Mayence, for a part of one of the works of Boetius, which was wanting in his copy. In letter 9, to the Abbot Giselbert, he writes respecting deficiencies at the end of his MS. of the oration of Cicero, "Pro Rege Dejotaro," and at the beginning of a treatise of Demosthenes the philosopher, called “Ophthalmicus." In letter 8, to the Archbishop of Rheims, he requests that prelate to borrow for him, from Azo, an Abbot, a copy of Cæsar. In return, he promises to communicate whatever literary treasures he had, especially eight volumes of Boetius on astrology, some very beautiful geometrical figures, and other things not less to be admired. In letter 7, he requests a friend (Airard) to attend to other business of the same kind,-the correction, as it would seem, of a MS. of Pliny, (Plinius emendetur,) and the transcribing MSS. (not named) which were kept at two different places. Again, in letter 44, to Egbert, the Abbot of Tours, he mentions his own diligent study of philosophy, and of the arts of eloquence, and states, that with a view to them, he had been very busy in collecting a library; that he had been paying, for a long time, transcribers at Rome, and other parts of Italy, in Germany and Belgium, and buying copies of authors at great expense, by the aid of friends in his own country. He then goes on to beg the abbot to assist him in the same pursuit in his country; adding, that he gives a list, at the end of his letter, of the works which he wishes transcribed, (unfortunately lost, or not printed,) and will supply parchment, and other necessary costs, at the abbot's demand. In many other letters he mentions his own works on

ON THE EPISCOPACY OF THE HERRNHUTERS,

COMMONLY CALLED MORAVIANS.

(Continued from p. 510.)

5. Let us next inquire into the account of this application for orders which is stated to have been made to this person. We are informed by Holmes, that after the Taborites had finally resolved to set up an independent church for themselves, by the style of Unitas Fratrum, "much of their time was occupied in deliberating on the best means for preserving and extending purity of doctrine and scriptural discipline in their church. By the advice of their elders, the most respectable members of their union, who lived dispersed through the country, were occasionally convened to a synod. In these assemblies they endeavoured to perfect the constitution of their church, taking for their guide, next to the Bible, the order of the primitive church."

A most important subject of deliberation, both at their synods and at other times, was how to maintain a regular succession of ministers, when those who now exercised the ministry among them, and who had previously been ordained among the Calixtines, were dead. For the purpose of coming to a final decision on this point, a synod was convened in 1467, and met in the village of Lhota. The synod was opened with fasting, prayer, and reading the scriptures. After much deliberation they came to a unanimous resolution to elect their ministers from their own body. With the example of the election of Matthias before them they first nominated twenty

men, from among whom nine were chosen. Of this number they determined that three should be appointed by lot for the ministerial office. Being thus agreed upon preliminaries, they prepared twelve slips of paper, on three of which they wrote the word EST (this is the man) and left the other nine blank. All the twelve slips of paper were then rolled up, put into a small vase and mixed together. Hereupon Gregory addressed the assembly. After this they repeated their supplications to the Lord. Prayer being ended, they called in a little boy, directing him to hand one of the slips of paper to each of the nine men, who gave them unopened to other members of the synod. On opening the papers it was found that the three inscribed with EST had been received by Matthias of Kunewalde,

rhetoric, arithmetic, and his completion of a sphere. But if in the tenth century we find the work of transcribing so common, that there were writers everywhere, in the cities and country places in Italy, and, as it would seem from other letters, no difficulty in finding them elsewhere, if the collection of a library was so great a matter, that many were ready to assist, surely matters were far different from our common notions.-ED.]