Papacy, in modern times, the influence of Religion has been very different, according as there has been a cordial understanding between the Church and State, or not. Where such an understanding exists, as in Austria, the Romish Religion produces some of the good effects of which we have spoken. She adds to the reverence for authority, and softens the exercise of unquestioned power. She there appears the natural Ally of Despotism. But the Romish Religion can assume a very different aspect. Those who, in various countries of Europe, looking upon themselves as Members of the Church of Rome, are not satisfied with the manner in which the Church is protected or established in their own State, are very far from inculcating an unbounded submission to civil authorities. On the contrary, their discontent with the State, and their ecclesiastical organization, make them the natural leaders of an opposition to the course which the Government follows. In such instances, the Romish Religion appears as the natural Ally of Democracy.

1115. The Polity, of which the result is, that Religion assumes one or the other of the characters, is evil. In either case, Religion strengthens the side which is already too strong. She binds faster the fetters which the Despot imposes: she tears off the bands of Civil Society when they are already too weak. The two great and permanent Parties, the Conservative and the Movement Party, so long as they have temporal interests to deal with, preserve a sort of progressive equilibrium, and tend towards that mixture of Order and Freedom, for which the nation is fitted but when Religion is thrown into one scale or the other, the balance is destroyed, and some violent revolution may easily take place. The Zeal for Order, the Love of Liberty, are calm impulses of themselves, when compared with the fire and vehemence which the contract of Religious Enthusiasm can communicate to them.

1116. If, as we conceive may be shown, the claim of the Roman See to be the visible Head of all Christian Nations, be a false view of the designs of Providence; it is naturally to be expected, that the attempt to carry this view into practice, will distort and disturb the political relations of nations. By a survey of the political principles of action among men, we are led to conceive that nations were intended by Providence to work out their political Constitution by a combined operation of the Love of Freedom and the Love of Order, in the manner which we have already attempted to show (929, &c.). The influence of an Extra-national Power, acting by means of Religious Enthusiasm, is a needless and dangerous addition to these principles of Political Power.

1117. Thus by a survey of the various forms of the relation of Church and State, we are led to believe, that if a Nation, in virtue of its historical circumstances, can obtain and preserve the blessing of an Established Church, it is in by far the happiest condition which the Nature of Man and of Human Society allows. If, in consequence of the unfortunate circumstances of the country, such an Establishment is, for the time, impracticable; the State may be driven to a mere Protection of Sects, on the one side; or to a recognition of Ecclesiastical Supremacy on the other. In the one case, great detriment is inflicted upon the National Influence of Religion; in the other case, the National Independency is damaged, if the Supremacy be established; and the balance of Order and Freedom is disturbed, so long as the struggle is still going on.

We have spoken of the religious falsity involved in the assumption of a visible Head of the Church on Earth; and of the consistency of an Established Church with religious truth. These religious views of the relation of Church and State, we must very briefly discuss.

CHAPTER XVII.

DUTY OF THE CHURCH AS TO ITS RELATIONS TO THE STATE.

1118. We have seen that it is only by availing itself of the aid of the Church, that the State can pursue its higher object; the moral, intellectual, and religious progress of the nation. We have seen also, that in order to derive the full advantage of this aid. the State must not only protect, but establish the Church; must accept it as the true Church; must secure to its Ministers a maintenance, with the means of teaching and directing the people; must invest them with rights and authority of a civil kind; must assign to their Bishops, or other Ecclesiastical Governors, a place in the Government of the State; and must invest them with rank and dignity. The State has the strongest reasons to offer to the Church wealth and power, in order to obtain her co-operation.

1119. But here, the question occurs, Whether the Church can properly accept these offers? The Church must direct her conduct by the commands of Christ and his Apostles, and by the Spirit of their teaching. And there are texts which express, or seem to imply, directions to the Christian Minister, not to mix himself with the business of the State. His concern is with men's Souls, not with their bodies or worldly condition. Christ says, My kingdom is not of this world. He commands his disciples, when they go forth to preach his Gospel (Matth. x., 9. Mark vi., 8. Luke ix., 3), To provide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass, nor scrip, nor two coats. He warns them against taking authority upon themselves (Matth. xx., 25. Mark x., 42). Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and they that are great exercise authority upon

them, but it shall not be so among you. So Matth. xxiii., 10, Be not ye called masters. And the general tendency of the teaching of Christ and of the Apostles is, to inculcate, both an indifference to human riches and possessions, and a humility, which shrinks from human honours and political power. It may therefore seem to be inconsistent with the Christian temper of the Church, to accept such offers of maintenance and authority, as we have shown reason for the State making to her.

1120. But we may remark, in the first place, that the injunctions, to disregard earthly possessions and earthly honours, are given, not to Christian ministers in particular, but to Christians in general. We have already (620) considered the importance of these warnings against covetousness; but we have shown (615) that these warnings do not prohibit, and did not in the first ages prevent, distinction of property, and differences of wealth among the Christians. Nor did they prevent property being held in a permanent form. The injunction to take no thought for the morrow, was always understood of such thought as might interfere with religious care about spiritual things. There is no religious reason why Christians, and the Clergy as well as the rest, should not possess property on which they may depend for their subsistence and power of action, while they devote their time and labour to their own spiritual progress, and to the teaching and assisting of others.

1121. That the Christian Teachers ought to be supported by their flocks, was a rule which prevailed from the earliest times of the Church. St. Paul says expressly (1 Cor. ix., 14), The Lord hath ordained that they which preach the Gospel shall live by the Gospel; and he then quotes Christ's expressions, used when the Apostles were sent forth (Luke x., 7), The Labourer is worthy of his hire. He further urges, as proof of the reasonableness of this Rule, both the ordinances of the

Mosaic Law, and the general practice of mankind; according to which, the soldier, the wine-grower, the grazier, live by their respective employments. This he urges, entirely for the sake of establishing the Rule; for, as he says, here and elsewhere, he rejects the benefit of it in his own case (1 Cor. ix., 7 and 15. 2 Cor. xi., 9. Gal. vi., 6. 2 Thess. iii., 9. Acts XX., 33).

In the earliest times of Christianity, the Ministers received their maintenance from the Hospitality of the Christians, dispersed through all parts of the Empire but when the Empire itself became Christian, Churches and religious bodies were invested with the right of holding property. And it has been shown that such a maintenance of the Clergy in the form of permanent property, free from the uncertainty and distraction of casual contribution, is opposed to no dictate of Religion: if offered by the State, it may be accepted by the Church.

1122. In the next place, as to the Dignity and Power conferred upon the Christian Clergy, it is evident that the injunctions above referred to, containing warnings against ambition and rivalry among Christians, do not apply to cases in which the Christian Minister is requested by his Christian brethren to exercise authority in worldly matters, in virtue of the confidence they have in his ministerial character, and in authority exercised according to Christian principles. St. Paul rebukes the Corinthians (1 Cor. vi., 1), while they were but a small part of the Community, for going to law before unbelievers. If, then, he had lived in a Community altogether Christian, it may be inferred, that he would have invested Christians as such with judicial powers, in the name of the State. The Bishops and Presbyters were Judges and Legislators for Christians then; why should they be less so now, when all persons profess Christianity? If the State, on the part of the Chris