THE character of the writings of Mr. Ames was original thought. A kind of inspiration seemed to pervade his imagintion, and he expressed his notions without disguise or hesitation. We are therefore frequently honestly told of dangers which, in his opinion, really existed, in terms not very flattering to our na. tional vanity, and for this very reason are they more likely to be true. He has been much abused by a jacobin writer, in the Patriot newspaper, for the posthumous production which has lately been published among his works, entitled 'The Dangers of American Liberty,' because the writer says he can discover in it, an avowed contempt of his own country, devotion to the interests of Great-Britain, and hatred to France. But that writer should be induced to repress his indignant invective from the consideration that Mr. Ames never ambitiously sought offices by means the most base and humble, that those which he ever filled were a source of loss rather than of very great profit to him, and that his principles, however erroneous they might be, were constant, steady, invariable. Hence his foreign partialities, if he had any, were pure; it is the character of the treacherous to change with every revolution of personal ambition. Notwithstanding Mr. Ames entertained opinions unfavourable to the idea that the federalists would ever regain their authority, he did not meanly renounce such a doctrine to facilitate any ambitious views, or advance corrupt designs; of course he could never be mortified by reproach for his political tergiversation and infamy. No, his principles were pure, if they were not flattering; he disdained to encourage even his own party to hope for a restoration of power, and it is to be wished that they may follow his examVol. I.

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ple in their persevering adherence to their principles. On such perseverence will the safety of the country depend.

The following extract relating to Federal power, may be particularly interesting at the present moment; and will fully serve to evince the honesty of Mr. Ames's patriotism, to those who could for a moment entertain a suspicion of it.

On evidence lamentably clear, I found my opinion, that the federalists can never again become the dominant party; in other words, the publick reason and virtue cannot be again, as in our first twelve years, and never will be again the governing power, till our government has passed through its revolutionary changes. Every faction that may happen to rule will pursue but two objects, its vengeance on the fallen party, and the security of its own power against any new one that may rise to contest it. As to the glory that wise rulers partake, when they obtain it for their nation, no person of understanding will suppose, that the gaudy, ephemeral insects, that bask and flatter no longer than while the sun of popularity shines without a cloud, will either possess the means or feel the passion for it. What have the Condorcets and Rolands of to-day to hope or to enjoy from the personal reputation or publick happiness of to-morrow? Their objects are all selfish, all temporary. Mr. Jefferson's letters to Mazzei or Paine, his connexion with Callender, or his mean condescension to France and Spain, will add nothing to the weight of his disgrace with the party that shall supplant him. To be their enemy will be disgrace enough, and so far a refuge for his fame, as it will stop all curiosity and enquiry into particulars. Every party that has fallen in France has been overwhelmed with infamy, but without proofs or discrimination.— If time and truth have furnished any materials for the vindication of the ex-rulers, there has, nevertheless, been no instance of the return of the publick to pity, or of the injured to power.The revolution has no retrograde steps. Its course is onward from the patriots and statesmen to the hypocrites and cowards, and onward still through successive committees of ruffians, till some one ruffian happens to be a hero. Then chance no longer has a power over events, for this last inevitably becomes an emperour.

The restoration of the federalists to their merited influence in the government supposes two things, the slumber or extinction

of faction, and the efficacy of publick morals. It supposes an interval of calm, when reason will dare to speak, and prejudice itself will incline to hear. Then, it is still hoped by many, Nova progenies calo demittitur alto, the genuine publick voice would. call wisdom into power; and the love of country, which is the morality of politicks, would guard and maintain its authority.

Are not these the visions that delight a poet's fancy, but will never revisit the statesman's eyes? When will faction sleep? Not till its labours of vengeance and ambition are over. Faction, we know, is the twin brother of our liberty, and born first; and, as we are told in the fable of Castor and Pollux, the only one of the two, that is immortal. As long as there is a faction in full force, and possessed of the government too, the publick will and the publick reason must have power to compel, as well as to convince, or they will convince without reforming. Bad men, who rise by intrigue, may be dispossessed by worse men, who rise over their heads by deeper intrigue; but what has the publick reason to do, but to deplore its silence or to polish its chains? This last we find is now the case in France. All the talent of that country is employed to illustrate the virtues and exploits of that chief, who has made a nation happy by putting an end to the agitations of what they call their liberty, and who naturally enough insist, that they enjoy more glory than any other people, because they are more terrible to all.

The publick reason, therefore, is so little in a condition to reestablish the federal cause, that it will not long maintain its own. Do we not see our giddy multitude celebrate with joy, the tri umphs of a party over some essential articles of our constitution, and recently over one integral and independent branch of our government? When our Roland falls, our Danton will be greeted with as loud a peal and as splendid a triumph. If federalism could by a miracle resume the reins of power, unless political virtue and pure morals should return also, those reins would soon drop or be snatched from its hands.

By political virtue is meant that love of country diffused through the society and ardent in each individual, that would dispose, or rather impel every one to do or suffer much for his country, and permit no one to do any thing against it. The Ro mans sustained the hardships and dangers of military service, which fell not, as amongst modern nations, on the dregs of soci

ety, but, till the time of Marius, exclusively on the flower of the middle and noble classes. They sustained them nevertheless, both with constancy and alacrity, because the excellence of life, every Roman thought, was glory, and the excellence of each man's glory, lay in its redounding to the splendour and extent of the empire of Rome.

Is there any resemblance in all this to the habits and passions that predominate in America? Are not our people wholly engrossed by the pursuit of wealth and pleasure? Though grouped together into a society, the propensities of the individual still prevail; and if the nation discovers the rudiments of any character, they are yet to be developed. In forming it, have we not ground to fear, that the sour, dissocial, malignant spirit of our politicks will continue to find more to dread and hate in party than to love and reverence in our country? What foundation can there be for that political virtue to rest upon, while the virtue of the society is proscribed, and its vice lays an exclusive claim to emolument and honour? And as long as faction governs, it must look to all that is vice in the state for its force, and to all that is virtue for its plunder. It is not merely the choice of faction, though, no doubt, base agents are to be preferred for base purposes, but it is necessary also, to keep men of true worth depressed by keeping the turbulent and worthless contented.

How then, can love of country take root and grow in a soil, from which every valuable plant has thus been plucked up and thrown away as a weed? How can we forbear to identify the government with the country? and how is it possible that we should at the same time lavish all the ardour of our affection, and yet withhold every emotion either of confidence or esteem ? It is said, that in republicks, majorities invariably oppress minorities. Can there be any real patriotism in a state which is thus filled with those who exercise and those who suffer tyranny ? But how much less reason has any man to love that country, in which the voice of the majority is counterfeited, or the vicious, ignorant, and needy are the instruments, and the wise and worthy are the victims of oppression?

When we talk of patriotism as the theme of declamation, it is not very material, that we should know with any precision what we mean. It is a subject on which hypocrisy will seem to ignorance to be eloquent, because all of it will be received and well

received as flattery. If, however, we search for a principle or sentiment, general and powerful enough to produce national effects, capable of making a people act with constancy, or suffer with fortitude, is there any thing in our situation that could have produced, or that can cherish it? The straggling settlements of the Southern part of the union, which now is the governing part, have been formed by emigrants from almost every nation of Europe. Safe in their solitudes alike from the annoyance of enmies and of government, it is infinitely more probable, that they will sink into barbarism than rise to the dignity of national sentiment and character. Patriotism, to be a powerful or steady principle of action, must be deeply imbued by education and strongly impressed both by the policy of the government and the course of events. To love our country with ardour, we must often have some fears for its safety; our affection will be exalted in its distress; and our self-esteem will glow on the contemplation of its glory. It is only by such diversified and incessant exercise, that the sentiment can become strong in the individual, or be diffused over the nation.

But how can that nation have any such affinities, any sense of patriotism, whose capacious wilderness receives and separates from each other the successive troops of emigrants from all other nations, men who remain ignorant, or learn only from the newspapers, that they are countrymen, who think it their right to be exempted from all tax, restraint, or control, and of course that they have nothing to do with or for their country, but to make rulers for it, who, after they are made, are to have nothing to do with their makers—a country too, which they are sure will not be invaded, and cannot be enslaved? Are not the wandering Tartars or Indian hunters at least as susceptible of patriotism as these stragglers in our western forests, and infinitely fonder of glory? It is difficult to conceive of a country, which, from the manner of its settlement, or the manifest tendencies of its politicks is more destitute or more incapable of being inspired with political virtue.

What foundation remains then, for the hopes of those who expect to see the federalists again invested with power?

Shall we be told that if the nation is not animated with publick spirit, the individuals are at least fitted to be good citizens by the purity of their morals? But what are morals without re20upove od 07-SonL.