times in little things, but it was conscientiousness; and when so regarded, they had no option but to obey."

f. It is a scheme that may become by abuse, repulsive, severe, and gloomy. In the form of Antinomianism, it opens the floodgates of licentiousness; in the form of mere orthodoxy, it is like the bones in Ezekiel's vision, "dry," "very dry."

We stand as a distinct denomination, not by our own act, but by the violent measures of the "exscinding branch" of our Church. In three respects, Mr. Barnes supposes they were offended with our spirit:

1. In our view of subscription to the Confession of Faith. "We had supposed that the terms of adhesion to the Presbyterian church allowed a reasonable latitude of construction, so as to admit all who held sincerely the great Calvinistic system, as distinguished from Arminianism, Pelagianism and Socinianism." 2. Our preference for a "co-operative Christianity, in distinction from ecclesiastical exclusiveness."

3. Our disposition to co-operate with all the Puritan family, particularly with our New England brethren.

Being thus a separate body, not by any act of our own, but by the acts of others, in the hands of Providence, it is natural to inquire into "our position."

1. We stand before the community with all the advantages of the Calvinistic system, adjusted more nearly, we think, to the principles of the New Testament, and to a sound philosophy, than is elsewhere to be found.

2. Being thus, as we suppose, in possession of the best form of Christianity in doctrine and government, we feel bound to extend our views, especially among the class of mind whose natural affinity is with us. It is natural to do this, it is our duty to do it, and the field in which we are to do it, is ample, and one in which we especially are at home.

3. A great and difficult question just now meets us as to our relations, in doing this, with other orthodox denominations.

a. We recognize them in every respect as belonging to the family of Christians, their ministry, their ordinances, their ecclesiastical acts. We do not exclude their ministry from our pulpits, or their members from the communion table.

b. We are disposed to co-operate with all other Christians in promoting the common cause. In regard to many societies. for benevolent purposes, we co-operate with several Christian denominations, and in regard to these, there is no special difficulty; but those in which we have been acting with our Congre

gational brethren in New England, involve matters so very near the vitality of our Church, that there is need of care that our harmony be not disturbed. For this, two things are required:

(1.) "One is that it shall be understood that the churches established, shall take their own form as they spring up, being determined in their organization by their own preferences, without any influence from without, or without any foreign patronage, dictation, or control; and (2), the other is, that each of these great denominations shall be regarded as offering no interference with the other, and that both are at entire liberty to go into any unoccupied fields, and to establish as many churches as they can."

Mr. Barnes then makes an earnest appeal against sectarian jealousy, or collision between Presbyterians and Congregation

alists.

4. The closing topic in the Sermon is the subject of slavery. Mr. Barnes quotes the action of the Synod of New York and New Jersey, in 1787, and of the General Assemblies of 1818, 1849 and 1850. On this subject, he supposes that we are in advance of most of the great denominations of the country, that we cannot recede from our position, that we are in favor of the removal of slavery as speedily as possible, and that we are to attend to this as a matter of personal duty.

It will not be understood in giving a synopsis of the Sermon, that we agree in every respect with its sentiments. There are different shades of opinion in the Church, in regard to some of the subjects introduced; and generally we may remark, that in sketching the history of the Assembly we act rather as annalists than as critics, except where our own opinions are distinctly indicated.

The Rev. William Adams, D. D. of New York city, was chosen Moderator.

The meeting of the Assembly in Washington city gave rise to some agreeable incidents. Among these, we cannot forbear to notice that a most kind and cordial hospitality, not confined to Presbyterian families, but extending to those of other denominations, was tendered to the members. Their visit to the seat of the National Government will thus always have intertwined with its graver associations, pleasant and grateful memories.

The Assembly adjourned over from Friday, May 21st, to Monday, and in a body, on Saturday morning, visited Mount

Vernon. There the representatives of the successors of that Presbyterian Church, every man, woman and child of which, in 1776, was on the side of liberty, stood around the tomb of Washington.

They were the successors of that Church whose highest judicatory, in the city of Philadelphia, on the twenty-second of May, 1775, one year before the Declaration of Independence, unanimously adopted the following language, in a pastoral letter to the Presbyterians of America, drawn up by Dr. Witherspoon, one of the signers of that immortal Declaration.

"Let every one who, from generosity of spirit, or benevolence of heart, offers himself as a champion in his country's cause, be persuaded to reverence the name, and walk in the fear of the Prince of the kings of the earth, and then he may, with the most unshaken firmness, expect the issue either in victory or death.

"Be careful to maintain the union which at present subsists through all the colonies; nothing can be more manifest than that the success of every measure depends on its being inviolably preserved, and therefore, we hope that you will leave nothing undone which can promote that end. In particular, as the Continental Congress, now sitting at Philadelphia, consists of delegates chosen in the most free and unbiassed manner, by the body of the people, let them not only be treated with respect, and encouraged in their difficult service; not only let your prayers be offered up to God for his direction in their proceedings, but adhere firmly to their resolutions; and let it be seen that they are able to bring out the whole strength of this vast country to carry them into execution.

"Every battle of the warrior is with confused noise, and garments rolled in blood. It is impossible to appeal to the sword without being exposed to many scenes of cruelty and slaughter; but it is often observed, that civil wars are carried on with a rancour and spirit of revenge, much greater than those between independent States. The injuries received, or supposed in civil wars, wound more deeply than those of foreign enemies; it is therefore the more necessary to guard against this abuse, and recommend that meekness and gentleness of spirit, which is the noblest attendant of true valour. That man will fight most bravely, who never fights till it is necessary, and who ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over."*

On their return from Mount Vernon, the Assembly waited

* Records of the Presbyterian Church, pp. 467-9.

upon the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. The ceremony took place in the East Room. The simplicity of the ceremonial was at once a beautiful commentary on the nature of our Republican and our Presbyterian institutions, and showed what has often been remarked, their striking similarity. The spirit of both is averse from pomp or display. Their power is intrinsic; it lies in their own nature, and in the living men that administer them. Neither crown nor mitre were necessary to mark the highest civil and ecclesiastical authority in America, where pure Republicanism in Church and State thus met in friendly greeting.

Rev. Dr. Adams being introduced to the President as Moderator of the Assembly, addressed him as follows:

"MR. PRESIDENT: We trust that you will at once appreciate the sentiment which has inspired this ancient body, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, (and it is a pleasant reminiscence that it was first organized in the same year, the same month, and in part by the same men, with the first American Congress,) in this its first convocation in the city of Washington, to wait upon the President of the United States. Do not impute it to idle curiosity. As ministers of religion, and officers of Christian churches, we should impeach ourselves for a criminal impropriety, if we failed to improve the opportunity which your Excellency has afforded for expressing our profound respect for the Chief Magistrate of this free, Christian and Protestant country. A self-governed people, of all others, should never be deficient in the sentiment of loyalty. As expositors of inspired truth, we believe that rulers are ordained of God, that we may "lead quiet and peaceable lives;" and that good rulers and governments are among the greatest blessings which His benignant Providence can bestow upon any people.

"We have observed that the remnants of our Indian tribes are accustomed to address the President of the country as their "Great Father." Our hearts respond to the beauty and propriety of the designation. We have this day, as a body, visited the tomb of that immortal man, of whom it has been said "Providence ordained that he should be childless, that a nation might always call him Father." On those melancholy occasions, when death has smitten the Head of the Republic, and we were called to guide the swollen emotions of national grief into the channels of religious truth, we were ourselves surprised into a consciousness of the tenderness of that relation which

unites the people of this country to their chosen President-a sentiment often overlooked amid the collisions of party spirit, but which we would on every occasion cultivate and express.

"Though many of our body are laymen, and some of them have held, or now hold important political positions as Governors of States, Judges of the highest courts, and members of State or National Legislatures; yet, as a body, we have no political relations or associations. We aspire to no connection between Church and State; yet it may not be presumptuous in us to think, that our peculiar relations to our fellow citizens may exert some beneficent effect upon the condition and prospects of the country. We remember our history; we are thankful for our ancestry; and we believe in the superintendence of an all-wise Providence. That is the best nation which is composed of the best men; and it is our constant aim, by the inculcation of religious truth, to nurture that intelligence and virtue, that liberty and self-restraint, which are at once our national ornament and protection.

"It may not be without interest to you, Mr. President, to be informed that we represent twenty-one Synods, more than fifteen hundred ministers, and in connection with the delegates from corresponding bodies now with us, many hundreds of thousands of Christian people. Coming from almost all the States of the Union, our fraternal feelings, like the roots of the "willows along the water-courses," binding the banks in a solid and compact sod, contribute directly to a strong and decided national sentiment. Our religious sympathies make us patri

otic.

"Mr. President, it is not inappropriate to this occasion to say that we are accustomed to pray for you. We instruct our people that it is alike unkind and unsafe, ungenerous and irreligious, to elevate a fellow-citizen to the very highest position of trust and responsibility, and then withhold from him the benefit of their prayers. When saddened by the burden of your official cares, it may be a support and satisfaction for you to remember, that as often as the Sabbath returns, thousands in all our cities and villages, resorting to the temples of religion, fail not to implore the aid and blessing of Almighty God upon the President of the United States.

"Thanking you for this kind reception, we beg you to accept the assurances of our sincere respect and affection."

Mr. Fillmore, in reply to the address, expressed the high gra