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plainly, and perhaps also more briefly, than we could have stated them, many of the peculiarities of the present work; it proves that the erudition of the author has not chilled, as is but too common, his imagination, but has rather warmed and excited it; it proves likewise that many most felicitous illustrations and allusions may be drawn from the geographical aspect of the country, if the historian will take the trouble to form in his mind an accurate image of its features and structure. The warmth of his affection, and his extreme partiality for the people of whom he discourses, are distinctly manifested; and the Professor declares his dislike of all change, and his admiration of a character and of institutions that are firm, steady, and exclusive.' The Doric invaders of the Peloponnese sent forth settlers in every direction, who founded numerous and important colonies: from the history of these establishments and of the mother countries, and especially of the most remarkable of the nations of the Peloponnese, the Spartans, Müller presents to the reader an extract of whatever he considers most instructive respecting the condition of the Doric race, and not a continuous and general narration of facts. His history concludes with the end of the Peloponnesian war, because he is of opinion, that the honesty and openness of the Doric character, the noble simplicity of the ancient 'times of Greece, soon disappeared in that tumultuous age. Sparta and the Peloponnesians emerged from the contest, altered, and, as it were, reversed; and, even before its termina'tion, appeared in a character of which they had before probably contained only the first seeds.' In proportion as the one end of the poised plank is raised, it is necessary that the other should sink; and if we seek to elevate one party, we must depress the credit of its rivals and competitors. The candidates for pre-eminence in ancient Greece were the Lacedemonians and the Athenians; the former were migratory Hellenic Dorians, the latter aboriginal Pelasgic Ionians; and the learned advocate for the superiority of the Doric blood, naturally strives to diminish the glory of their more renowned opponents, the maritime inhabitants of Athens. His favourite race he identifies with the principle of permanence, and he finds in their rivals that of novelty, the Ionic spirit of innovation,'-a spirit which the learned professor deems peculiarly evil, and he seems to rejoice that every person arriving at Locri was punished who enquired after novelties.' Thus the traveller visiting Göttingen, and asking at the circulating library for the newest novel, or perhaps even for the last edition of the History of the Dorians, might expect, if the genuine Doric character could happily be revived there, to ex
piate his offence in the stocks, or under the lash of the beadle of the university!
A portion of the zeal that is displayed in upholding the advantages of permanent institutions over frequent innovations, may be ascribed to the patriotic feelings of the author, who sees his countrymen in the Dorians, and feels, that in depreciating their political enemies, he confirms the unfavourable opinion of the French, that prevails in Germany. The generous glow of modern passions, although not strictly philosophical, is advantageous in reanimating and infusing warmth and interest into the pages of ancient history, which are too commonly chilled with languor and indifference. The true 'Doric characteristics were retained in Rhodes for a longer time than in most other Doric states, viz. courage, constancy, 'patriotism, with a haughty sternness of manners, and a certain 'temperance, which was, indeed, in some manner, contrasted with their magnificence in meals, buildings, and all arts.' The Ionic elegance may often be found at a French table; but that solidity which is essential to magnificence in all other works of art, as well as in meals, is certainly predominant at a German banquet. The Corcyreans,' he adds soon afterwards, were ' active, industrious, and enterprising; good sailors, and active ' merchants; but the stability and noble features of the Doric cha'racter they had entirely lost. In absence of all modesty, they ' even exceeded the Athenians, among whom the very dogs, as a ' certain philosopher said, were more impudent than in any other 'place.' When a writer indulges in such a vivacious partiality, it is impossible for the reader to withhold his attention, although he may often refuse his assent. It is only in Paris, the patriotic professor might have continued, that a modern Ionian, with the aid of a pair of shears, will attempt to transmute a shock-dog into a lion; an unchanging Spartan, or a sincere Hanoverian, would scorn the paltry deceit. It was peculiarly incumbent on a historian, who would exalt the character of the Lacedemonians, to slur over their coolness respecting the general interests of Greece in the Persian war: he says calmly, concerning that selfishness which is not uncommonly found in persons of prudish, old-fashioned manners, who love ancient usages, and abhor all change, in language borrowed from Thucydides, that Sparta wished to avoid any farther war with the Persians, 'thinking that Athens was better fitted to carry it on than her'self.' With that extreme partiality, in which very candid men sometimes choose to indulge, he dismisses the testimony of Isocrates, whenever it is disadvantageous to his clients. A servile writer, who sought to discredit the free citizens of Athens
and their freedom, without a tenth part of the learning that is needed for the successful defence of a paradox, strove with had faith, and a worse design, to demonstrate that the panegyrical orations of Isocrates are, as he somewhat coarsely expressed it, ' one great lie.' The superior scholarship of Müller would not permit the like senseless audacity; but he certainly gives the orator the slip when he imputes to the Spartans a neglect of the general interests of Greece during the Persian invasion; and although he wants the erudite effrontery of the admirable Niebuhr, he now and then unscrews the historians of antiquity, takes them in pieces, and puts them to rights, insinuating, as the Germans are wont, that he is better acquainted with past events than purblind contemporaries, and shortsighted eyewitnesses.
The history and antiquities of the Doric race is divided into four books: the history of the Doric race, from the earliest times to the end of the Peloponnesian war, is dispatched in the first book, which is comprehended in nine chapters. The second book is divided into twelve chapters. It treats of the reli'gion and mythology of the Dorians.' The religious worship of a nation is an infallible criterion of its origin, unless the conversion of the people to a new religion, of which the ancient world furnishes no example, has changed the original aspect of their sacred polity, and has obliterated the strongest traces of identity. No one, for example, who has witnessed the ceremonies of the Passover, as that festival is celebrated by the Jews at this day, can doubt that they are the sequels of the people who formerly fled from Egypt with similar rites. Nor can those, who have observed the ceremonies of the Parsees, deny that they are the living representatives of the ancient Persians, and so with many other races. That division of the work, which, as the first step in the consideration of the intellectual existence of the Dorians, proceeds to enquire into their religion, and to analyse and resolve it into the various worships and ceremonies of which it was composed, and to trace the origin and connexion of these usages as they successively arose, is marvellously elaborate, and beautifully exegetic. Nevertheless, it will be fully intelligible to those only who are profoundly versed in the mythology of antiquity: doctrines, which had formerly an extensive and powerful sway, are now viewed dimly, and from a distance, by a few. To studious and contemplative persons, it will doubtless always be agreeable slowly to trace the mystic course of mythic fables, although such pursuits do not accord with the drastic impatience of practical men, who look only towards ends, and delight in action.
Apollo and Diana were the principal deities of the Dorians. Müller affirms that a Doric origin may safely be ascribed to that people, among whom there were considerable institutions dedicated to the worship of Apollo. It is not easy to concede, although the learned professor strenuously insists upon it, that this worship was never elemental;-that these deities were not the sun and the moon, the year and the month. A short extract, however, from the second book, as a sample of the manner in which this portion of the work is handled, will be more instructive than the discussion of any mythological question.
Before we proceed to consider the heroic mythology of the Dorians, which is chiefly confined to Hercules, we will first attempt to sketch the principal features of their religious character, as seen in the several worships already enumerated. Both in the developement of modes of religion peculiar to that race, and in the adoption and alteration of those of other nations, an ideal tendency may be perceived, which considered the deity not so much in reference to the works or objects of nature, as to the actions and thoughts of men. Consequently, their religion had little of mysticism, which belongs rather to elemental worships; but the gods assume a more human and heroic form, although not so much as in epic poetry. Hence the piety of the Doric race had a peculiarly energetic character, as their notions of the gods were clear, distinct, and personal; and it was probably connected with a degree of cheerfulness and confidence, equally removed from the exuberance of enthusiasm, and the gloominess of superstition. Funeral ceremonies and festivals, with violent lamentations, as well as enthusiastic orgies, were not suited to the character of the Dorians, although their reverence for antiquity often induced them to adopt such rites when already established. On the other hand, we see displayed in their festivals and religious usages, a brightness and hilarity, which made them think that the most pleasing sacrifice which they could offer to their gods was to rejoice in their sight, and use the various methods which the arts afforded them of expressing their joy. With all this, their worship bears the stamp of the greatest simplicity, and, at the same time, of warmth of heart. The Spartans prayed the gods "to give them what was honourable and good;" and although they did not lead out any splendid processions, and were even accused of offering scanty sacrifices, still Jupiter Ammon declared, that "the calm solemnity of the prayers of the Spartans, was dearer to him than all the sacrifices of the Greeks." We would endeavour to trace the influence of the wor ship of Apollo on the policy and philosophy of Greece, if the question did not embrace so wide a field, lying as it does, in a great measure, beyond the confines of history. We may however select, from what has been already said, as proofs of the influence of this worship on political concerns, the armistice connected with the festivals of Apollo, the truce observed in the sacred places and roads, the soothing influence of the purifications for murder, together with the idea of the
punishing and avenging god, and the great influence of the oracles in the regulation of public affairs. It has, moreover, been frequently remarked how, by its sanctity, by the dignified and severe character of its music, by all its symbols and rites, this worship endeavoured to lull the minds of individuals into a state of composure and security, consistently, however, with an occasional elevation to a state of ecstatic delight.'
The second volume of the work will be the most attractive to the general reader. It opens with the third book, which discourses, in twelve chapters, of the political institutions of the Dorians. This book may be selected as the most remarkable part of a work of great learning and talent; and as the author's political sentiments are peculiar, it is just to premise his own anticipation, that many of his readers will probably dissent from them. 'We moderns,' the professor writes, on account of our preconceived notions with respect to the ad6 vancement of civilisation, do not read without partiality the 'lessons which history affords us; we refuse to recognise the 'most profound political wisdom in an age which we believe to have been occupied in rude attempts after the formation of a 'settled form of government.' Deeply impressed with a profound veneration for the political wisdom of antiquity, he discourses of the origin, essence, and object of a state, and teaches us to set aside all modern ideas, which consider it merely as an institution for protecting the persons and property of the individuals contained in it, and to accept the ancient notion, that by recognition of the same opinions and principles, and the direction of actions to the same ends, the whole body politic should become, as it were, one moral agent. This unity of opinion and actions, was in general more complete among the Greeks than among modern nations, and it was perhaps nowhere so strongly marked as in the Dorian states, whose national views, with regard to political institutions, were most strongly manifested in the government of Sparta. The greatest freedom of the Spartan, as well as of the Greeks in general, was only to be a living member of the body of the state; whereas, that which in modern times commonly receives the name of liberty, consists in having the fewest possible claims from the community; or, in other words, in dissolving the social union to the greatest degree possible, as far as the individual is concerned. What the Dorians endeavoured to obtain in a state, was good order, or Kóruos, the regular combination of different elements. The Doric races had, of all the Grecians, the greatest veneration for antiquity; and not to degenerate 'from their fathers, was the strongest exhortation which a Spartan could hear.' The Ionians, on the other hand, were in